"I've never enjoyed 'footage' more, if you know what I mean."
--An anonymous reader of Princess Sparkle Pony's Photo Blog
PUBLIC DIPLOMACY
Time for US Public Diplomacy Heads to Roll... - LaurenceJarvikOnline: “Can't afford to wait for the Obama inaguration. 
Whoever set this up, made up the guest list, and allowed the reporter to throw shoes at President Bush needs to be publicly humiliated him-and/or herself--everyone involved from top to bottom, and that includes JAMES GLASSMAN, author of Dow 36,000 and America's Top Propagandist. Yes, the Fox anchor is right--Bush did a good duck, impressive even. But this never should have happened in the first place... (plus why didn't a Secret Service agent throw him/herself in front of the President?). Bush comes out OK in the reflexes department, not so OK in the intelligence, planning and information department. He's lost some face...and unfortunately, so has the USA.”
Alhurra TV: Uncle Sam's Boondoggle - Nancy Snow, Huffington Post: "[M]y criticism of [the USG-funded] Alhurra [television to the Middle East] is given with the full knowledge that Alhurra may very well continue under the Obama-Biden administration. Washington is all about power-brokering, and unless Alhurra gets immersed in some major scandal, it is likely to continue operation, though I hope with some much-needed reforms.”
USC report: Alhurra is "substandard" and needs "budget expansion" - Kim Andrew Elliott Discussing International Broadcasting and Public Diplomacy: "'Significant budget expansion' is the old, tiresome solution for the woes of any U.S. government endeavor. The BBC world services have a larger audience than U.S. international broadcasting, even though Britain spends less on international broadcasting than the United States. The solution, therefore, is a better organized international broadcasting effort, not more money. And we need decision makers who understand that you can never, never, never mix journalism and the promoting of U.S. policies. That's why U.S. international broadcasting and public diplomacy are in separate bureaucracies and separate buildings. They should be in separate cities. The fact that the Obama transition team has (according to Pro Publica) thrown U.S. international broadcasting in with the 'other public diplomacy efforts inside the State Department' does not bode well."
Sustainers give ‘Voice of Hope’ to deaf school students – Press Release, Multi-National Corps – Iraq Public Affairs Office, Camp Victory: “Members of the Muthanna Provincial Reconstruction Team and the 7th Sust. Bde.’s Civil Military Operation’s group worked together to host Iraqi girls from the Al-Amal School for the Deaf and assist them by diagnosing hearing impairments. … [‘]Because the PRT is reaching out to all people, we hope to bring attention to this demographic of the hearing and speaking impaired,’ said Aaron Snipe, Muthanna PRT Public Diplomacy officer.”
Japan cracking US pop culture hegemony: Japan is quietly emerging as a global trendsetter in pop culture, as well as in green technology and environmental practices - Amelia Newcomb, Christian Science Monitor: "Today, Japan sets the trends in what's cool.
"To improve your image in the world, you have to make use of all the tools available," says Kenjiro Monji, Japan's former ambassador to Iraq who recently became director general of public diplomacy, a post that was established three years ago. He is quick to note that pop culture doesn't need government's promotional hand. But, he says, he can play a role as Japan takes note of a three-fold increase since 1990 – to 3 million – in those studying Japanese. The number of Americans studying in Japan rose 13 percent between 2005 and 2007, according to the New-York based Institute of International Education. 'We can use the attractive power of popular culture as an introduction,' says Mr. Monji.' SEE ALSO: Is the U.S. High Noon Over? Reflections on the Declining Global Influence of American Popular Culture, John Brown, Cultural Commons (2004).
I am ashamed - Hadassa Ben-Itto, Haaretz: “When media outlets abroad report on terror attacks committed by Muslim terrorists, they always add that such behavior does not represent all Muslims, that the majority is moderate. Even if terrorists utilize religion in their messages and send suicide bombers to commit attacks in its name, it is not because of Islam, for Islam preaches peace. 
And thus the media fail to tell the world what they teach in the madrassas, what they preach in the mosques, what they broadcast on television. That is how our enemies manage to distort the political discourse and give the world a false picture of the meaning of the conflict. That is how they poison public opinion against us. No amount of public diplomacy on our part has proven capable of preventing these distortions.”
Envoys tell what the job requires - Daily Express News: “Effective communication is necessary if diplomats are to successfully carry out their mission and dispel any misconception on the foreign service, said Director of the Institute of Asean Studies and Global Affairs, Universiti Teknologi Mara (UiTM) Shah Alam, Prof. Datuk Dr Mohd Yusof Ahmad. … Mohd Yusof said there is a great need to address the misconception on what Wisma Putra [Malaysan Ministry of Foreign Affairs] is all about even among government agencies.
He said it all boiled down to the foreign services' public diplomacy because real diplomacy is domestic diplomacy. "No good diplomat can protect its country unless the basis is firmly rooted on its home ground," he said, adding this can be achieved through communication, which according to him has been long overdue. He added that diplomacy is not all about solving consular problems, clinking wineglasses or rubbing shoulders with presidents. ‘It is time to give explanation to the public on the rationale for the stance taken in foreign policies,’" he said.
Public Affairs Intern - Newest Internships - Internweb.com: “The British Consulate-General, Chicago, the United Kingdom’s diplomatic mission covering thirteen Midwest states, is offering unpaid internships for Fall 2008 to work with the Consulates Press & Public Affairs, Private Office, and Science & Innovation teams. The teams are responsible for handling public diplomacy on a range of issues including climate change, counter terrorism, stem cells, and best practice policy exchange between the UK and US (education; law & order; transportation; urban regeneration and more).”
RELATED ITEMS
Barack Obama, and America's place in the world: US domination is giving way to greater balance - Helena Cobban, Christian Science Monitor: Obama has vowed to find new, better ways to engage with the rest of the world. The world will give him a very sympathetic hearing. Now he will need to use his considerable smarts to understand and work with the dynamics of the networked world.
Mr. Obama’s First Trip - Michael Fullilove, New York Times: During the presidential campaign, Barack Obama promised that in the first 100 days of his administration he would “travel to a major Islamic forum and deliver an address to redefine our struggle.” Egypt, Turkey and Qatar have been suggested as possible sites for such a speech. But the best candidate is the country in which Mr. Obama lived as a child: Indonesia.
Pack of Liars - Dan Froomkin, washingtonpost.com: The bipartisan Senate report on the abuse of detainees in U.S. custody at Guantanamo, Abu Ghraib and elsewhere doesn't just lay out a clear line of responsibility starting with President Bush, it also exposes the administration's repeated explanation for what happened as a pack of lies.
The Torture Presidency - Scott Horton, Harper’s/Common Dreams: But of course, Bush only turned to torture to keep America safe, right? Wrong.
The Architect Of Abu Ghraib - Andrew Sullivan, Atlantic: The person who authorized all the abuse and torture at Abu Ghraib, the man who gave the green light to the abuses in that prison, is the president of the United States, George W. Bush.
Bush's Solecisms in Iraq - Jacob Heilbrunn, Huffington Post: The surge was only necessary because Bush endorsed a wholly defective plan for battle. In fact, the greatest deficiency was that America had no business being in Iraq in the first place.
Obama's Afghanistan Hurdles - Robert D. Kaplan, Atlantic: Obama needs to boil Afghanistan down to a number of factors where his pressure and influence can directly and dramatically help, and then apply himself immediately.
Our Pakistan Problem: Could its holy warriors be the most dangerous? - Reuel Marc Gerecht, Weekly Standard: We will have to strengthen our intelligence capacities and continue to act preemptively against terrorist plots, and to hope that the Pakistani military, a forceful, proud, and hierarchical institution, will itself act against men who don't recognize its authority--and who blow up women and children.
A novel way to tackle Pakistan - Sreeram Chaulia, Asia Times: Since Pakistani sovereignty has been misused to impair the sovereignty of its neighbors - Afghanistan to the west and India on the east - the first strategy of an international collective will should be to circumscribe the country's sovereignty and place it under custodianship.
Iran's YouTube Generation: Defiance on display - Review & Outlook, Wall Street Journal
Syria looks to better times - Sami Moubayed, Asia Times: Imad Moustapha, Syria's ambassador to the United States, recently said that "as far as Syria is concerned, we are cautiously optimistic. Our optimism stems from our realization of how deep is America's desire for change, our perception of Barack Obama , the man and the president, and how Bush's foreign policies have miserably failed".
Bush's hawks vs. Bush – Editorial, Boston Globe: Bush would be a fool not to give North Korea the energy aid it needs in exchange for verification measures that, sooner or later, the regime is bound to accept.
A view of China through hopeful eyes - Annie Osborn, Boston Globe: Of course, China has human-rights and pollution problems, but life here isn't just a series of catastrophes. Annie Osborn is a junior at Boston Latin School who is studying with School Year Abroad in Beijing.
Epic Movie Fail: 'Strangers' was supposed to be a huge success in Putin's Russia, an anti-American rallying cry. And then no one showed up to watch it - Cathy Young, New Republic: The old Soviet-model anti-American propaganda machine, retired with the decline of communism in the late 1980s, has been reactivated in the past five or six years, in the new authoritarian Russia of Vladimir Putin (and now, Putin successor/Mini-Me Dmitry Medvedev). And the campaign doesn't just launch standard-issue complaints of U.S. policy; it indulges in a wildly conspiratorial streak, too.
That Was No Small War in Georgia -- It Was the Beginning of the End of the American Empire - Mark Ames, AlterNet: Bleeding money from endless wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, we're a sick giant hooked on ever-pricier doses of oil paid for with a currency few people want anymore. We have entered a dangerous moment in history -- America in decline is reacting hysterically, woofing and screeching and throwing a tantrum, desperate to prove that it still has teeth. Which it does -- but not in the old dominant way that America wants or believes itself to be.
ONE MORE CLIP OF FOOTAGE
ESSAY (courtesy Len Baldyga)
"To Rub and Polish Our Brains”
The Overseas Post: The Forgotten Element of Our Public Diplomacy
by Mike Canning
Introduction
The relative demise of American public diplomacy (PD) has been much lamented in recent years, triggered by the 9/11 aftermath, our drawn-out military enterprises, and a pugnacious foreign policy. Major media outlets, academe, the intellectual and “chattering” classes, and the blogosphere regularly enumerate the sour opinion polls about the U.S. before offering their own recipes on how to improve our nation’s image abroad. One persistent, and unresolved, argument about how to improve that image pits the overriding importance of American policies (especially in the Middle East) against what might be achieved by a more robust public affairs/relations effort.
Evidence of this discovery of PD is the recent flood of studies, reports, and monographs about how to improve our public diplomacy—more than 30 of them emanating from think tanks, commissions, and study groups, mostly triggered by the shock of 9/11. Though most of these studies were serious efforts, their collective recommendations have not yet coalesced into any specific reforms which have gained strong popular or political traction.
A review of these studies shows a consistent pitch to increase resources for PD in almost all areas—sometimes strikingly. Many suggest variations on restructuring our public diplomacy, whether within or outside the bureaucracy; others offer recommendations on new operations and new technologies--or the revivification of old ones. What almost all these earnest analyses lack is much discussion about how public diplomacy is actually performed in its most important habitat: by PD professionals in foreign countries among foreign publics.
To cite but one example: one of the earliest and most important of these PD studies was “Changing Minds, Winning Peace,” a product of the Congressionally-mandated Advisory Group on Public Diplomacy for the Arab and Muslim World (also called The Djerejian Report) which was issued in 2003.[1] The report discussed a broad array of public diplomacy tools, but only offered two pages on “Human Resources,” dealing principally with field officers, with almost all of the language on finding or training more Arabic language officers. There is little discussion of or recommendations on field operations in any of the aforementioned reports.
The fact is that the national discussion on PD has been profoundly Washington-centric, with little depiction of how public diplomacy has been and is actually practiced on the ground overseas and how it might be improved. Though a number of expert PD diplomats were part of and contributed to the above cited studies, their participation, though valuable, did not result in significant language about posts overseas. This is understandable, perhaps, in an atmosphere where the aim of such reports is to catch the attention of Washington decision-makers and, more broadly, American audiences.
I would argue that myriad opinion polls decrying the United States and its policies are—while journalistically catchy—hardly the best way to assess our standing in the world. Like many other polls, they are often superficial, ephemeral, and lacking salience for the respondent. There are other, more lasting and more firmly grounded judgments interested foreigners have of us that are far more important to how we are viewed in the world. It is the fashioning of these considered judgments—rounded assessments of who we are credibly presented—that is the real work of public diplomacy. Listening to those reached is essential to engaging them. It is work that is painstaking and happens over time and performed by professional public diplomacy officers in the field.
Two Practices of Diplomacy
Some background about how at least two forms of our diplomacy are actually practiced might be in order. The descriptions below are necessarily simplified, presenting a dichotomy when a spectrum of tasks and focus might be more accurate, but I think they offer some clarity and don’t do violence to the nature of the work. Here are attempts at some definitions:
“Traditional diplomacy” in our overseas embassies and consulates entails (aside from specialized consular functions concerning foreign travelers and American citizens) the forceful representation of official American policy positions to foreign governments, along with the careful analysis of those governments and their constiuents, often evaluating short-term outcomes.
“Public diplomacy” overseas presents the focused presentation of U.S. policy positions and their societal and cultural contexts to interested foreign audiences via personal contact, crafted programs, and all relevant media. Its practice encompasses both the advocacy of policies and the explication of American society and culture in the widest sense, and its greatest effect is over the long term.
Put another way, traditional diplomats usually deal with foreign officials and government representatives, both to assess foreign outlooks and trends and to present U.S. positions. Theirs is principally a world of ministries, departments, presidential palaces, political parties, and military commands, and they can often serve as a link between the institutions in their host country. Their contact work often takes a somewhat patterned form, while their analytical work and reporting is, at its core, confidential and carefully guarded.
Public diplomats, on the other hand, interact with the host country publics, including—besides officialdom--its media, academic institutions, nonprofits, businesses, and arts entities--among others. These audiences include journalists, educators, professionals, businessmen, environmental and human rights advocates, etc. More recently, and often through new media, broader audiences are also being engaged, including students and youth. The public diplomat’s dealings with and reporting on these multiple audiences is usually open, sometimes freeform, and rarely classified.
To describe how these two diplomats (both designated Foreign Service Officers, or FSOs) might operate, in both cases outside the embassy’s confines, consider the following typical examples:
-- Picture a traditional diplomat sitting in an office having tea at Country X’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, discussing with her Ministry counterpart their two countries’ respective positions at an upcoming international conference. This meeting’s outcome is a written report filed in a “cable” by the State Department officer which becomes one small part in the mix of how our policy is shaped toward that nation.
-- Now imagine a public diplomacy officer having coffee at a student union café with the State University of Y’s chair of economics, discussing the set-up for a joint seminar on international trade issues. This meeting’s eventual outcome is a program at the university which addresses an issue of mutual interest and which can contribute one small bit to mutual understanding.
Besides the theoretical examples given above, let me also describe one actual case which contrasts the differing milieu in which these two diplomats function. In my own career, I worked in a U.S. mission in the 1990’s that had the Economic Section on one wing of the Embassy and the public diplomacy operation on the opposite wing. The American officers in the Economic section were stationed in offices on one side of the hall behind closed doors with cypher locks (to protect classified material) with their FSN colleagues physically separated from them across the hall. On the PD wing, in contrast, all major offices of the American officers were wide open (no significant classified material being present), U.S. and local employees often shared the same office space, and the hall showed a lively flow of people and conversations back and forth. One understandably closed, and one necessarily open environment.
These two different emphases do not mean that what I have called traditional and public diplomats cannot work together or that their work never overlaps. PD diplomats operate autonomously from, but on an equal footing with, their traditional colleagues, but the two clearly collaborate on the same basic mission objectives. At any well-run overseas mission, the two strands interweave together all the time, attending meetings together, drafting policy papers together, organizing events together. A good PD office, for example, can make excellent use of the expertise of an articulate political officer in a media interview or at a program venue, while a Political Section can garner much from a PD officer’s knowledge of a journalist’s slant or a university’s importance.
Of course, one person at any mission who must fulfill both these diplomatic functions is the Ambassador, who is the chief interpreter to Washington of the country where he serves as well as the public face of the Embassy itself and of the American government.
The Field Work of a Public Diplomat
It could be said that, in our overseas missions, public diplomats and their work comprise a different “culture” than that of traditional diplomats. As “advocates,” they forcefully present U.S. policy positions to varied audiences, underpinning those presentations with thorough knowledge and keen awareness of the local milieu. As "programmers,” they facilitate the meeting and dialogue of Americans and foreigners by organizing a whole range of activities--lectures, seminars, exchange programs, institutional visits, entertainments, press events, website content, etc.--which allow these encounters to take place.
A good PD officer combines skills in persuasion, empathy, logistics, setting priorities, and tracking details--among other competencies. It is too often assumed, by the way, that the work of public diplomacy is perpetual advocacy, a constant pushing of U.S. policy positions on benighted foreigners. In fact, the PD officer’s work world is profoundly bilateral. The fact that the United States remains so dominant a presence and influence in the world (all the fleeting polling aside) means that in almost every nation on the globe, there are crucial issues between the U.S. and others (assistance programs, economic relationships, military agreements, ethnic identities, drug issues, etc.) that drive the mutual conversation. The PD practitioner, thus, talks much less about a general “Administration Policy in Latin America” than about American sugar quotas or visa issuances in the particular country where he serves. To do this work, the officer is forced, willingly, into studying and absorbing the political and cultural climate of the host country, the better to craft messages and offer insights about America which can be coherently read in the local context.
It should be noted, too, that often such an officer is not necessarily the medium of the exchange that takes place, but the mediator between an American presence (e.g., a visiting expert, teacher, performer, or VIP) and a foreign contact, i.e., the person who sets up a bilateral conversation but then lets it take its course between the new interlocutors—and follows up on it later.
Another significant difference among public diplomacy FSOs and other State FSOs (especially economic and political officers) is the level of managerial responsibilities that the former have. PD officers are expected from their first assignment to supervise numerous Embassy local employees, traditionally called Foreign Service Nationals (or FSNs), in tasks both intricate and basic, since these officials usually head an office of several persons. A cultural affairs officer (CAO), for example, often has the responsibility for administering large Fulbright exchange programs, which requires both a command of complex logistics and deadline savvy. Similarly, the director of an American cultural center must typically manage significant staff, budgets, and varied programming—all in the local context. Programs like these force PD officers to engage more substantively with host country institutions than anyone else in the typical embassy abroad. In the process, they also give those officers the kind of management know-how in foreign contexts that make them sought-after candidates for supervisory positions later in their careers.
Given the range of those foreign audiences indicated above, the public diplomat’s contact work is often wider ranging than that of other State officers, requiring an ability to communicate convincingly across a broader segment of contacts. Beyond usually demanding solid language competence, such contact work requires subtle readings of local contexts and empathetic understanding of local mores. It demands not just pronouncing policy positions, but actively listening to others in an ongoing dialogue which enriches both parties through what is a cross-cultural conversation. Of course, the best State political officers also possess these capabilities, but their ultimate output—pertinent analysis and assessments rather than direct programming activity--is not fundamentally dependent on it.
Some of this bent for contact work can be taught; much of it is innate, driven by the native curiosity of the best officers. This aptitude can elevate the understanding of the foreigner while it enriches the officer. That far-sighted essayist Michel de Montaigne had this propensity nailed in the late 16th century:
“Mixing with men is wonderfully useful, and visiting foreign countries, not merely to bring back…knowledge of the measurements of the Santa Rotonda…, but to bring back knowledge of the characters and ways of those nations, and to rub and polish our brains by contact with those of others.” (“Of the Education of Children” in Selected Essays)[2]
In their contact work with relevant local audiences, PD officers and their FSN colleagues often promote other relationships between foreign institutions and our own private sector. Through forging and facilitating links between non-official Americans (e.g., academics, business people, cultural figures, etc.) and foreign publics across a whole sprectrum of institutions, they stretch the taxpayers‘s dollar and add credibility by broadening views of America.
The late Edward R. Murrow, the most venerated director of the USIA, distinctly characterized the importance of personal connections during a television interview 45 years ago. His phraseology has become a touchstone for PD professionals:
“It has always seemed to me that the real art in this business is not so much moving information or guidance or policy five or 10,000 miles. That is an electronic problem. The real art is to move it the last three feet in face-to-face conversation.” (ABC “Issues and Answers,” August 4, 1963)
It is that concentrated and meaningful contact work, building relationships with foreigners over time over the “last three feet,” that also allows the PD officer to become an effective analyst of the society in which she works, with the abiliy to gauge and understand audiences and craft approaches to engage them. This work was once legion in American diplomacy but has been often enfeebled in our overseas representation over the last 20 years.
Downward Trend in PD Personnel Strength
Those who follow the general outlines of our foreign policy probably know that the overall complement of our Foreign Service officers overseas has gone down in recent years. But some history and concrete numbers can give a vivid sense of what the United States has surrendered in terms of its overseas public diplomacy presence.
The functions now known as State Department’s public diplomacy used to be performed by an independent government entity called the United States Information Agency (USIA). Launched in 1953, USIA reached its peak in Foreign Service personnel in 1967 with about 12,500 American and foreign national employees, a few years before the Nixon Administration initiated a series of major job cutbacks. Of that number, somewhat over 7,500 were performing at overseas posts. It should be recalled, too, that by the late 1960’s, a significant number of our press and cultural officers were stationed in Vietnam, but far our largest overseas operation.
That peak saw a gradual drawdown over the next two decades, with some fluctuations during the 1980’s, but the numbers truly plummeted during the 1990’s—after the Cold War had been “won.” Just before USIA was folded into the Department of State on October 1, 1999, the number of overseas mission positions worldwide was just over 2,800. Thus, in some 30 years, our overseas PD presence dropped more than 60 percent.
To underline how our presence overseas has suffered, let’s take a few snapshots at the post level, comparing one-time USIS (USIA was known as the “U.S. Information Service” overseas) staff levels with our current complement of officers in the Public Affairs Sections of our embassies overseas. The examples chosen are typical, indicating disparate posts, which were (are) neither the largest nor smallest in their regions.
o In USIS Nigeria, in 1973, there were 10 American officers, seven in the then-capital Lagos, and three in branch posts in other major cities. As of today, the Public Affairs Section has four.
o In USIS Indonesia, in 1964, there were 17 Americans, with 12 in the capital Jakarta and five in three additional branch posts. As of late 1999, the U.S. Foreign Service staff was down to five, and it has since increased only slightly.
o In USIS Peru, in 1969, USIA had 17 American officers, 14 in the capital, Lima, and three in branch posts. As of today, we have five PD officers in the capital.
o In USIS Egypt, in 1965, there were 12 public diplomacy FSOs, including a branch officer in Alexandria. That number dropped over the years to eight officers in 1998, and has since, especially with our singular emphasis on Middle Eastern countries, climbed back to 11 U.S. staffers.
The Egyptian case is the kind of exception that more or less proves the rule of general cutbacks. Another way of looking at changing PD staff levels is this: our largest American PD contingent overseas currently is in Iraq, not surprisingly. It has positions for about 25 American officers. In the heyday of USIA staffing—1967-70—that Agency had several major posts with 25 public diplomacy officers and more.
The Iraq citation, by the way, raises the question of how PD human and budgetary resources are now distributed overseas. A war focus so concentrates the policy mind that the steady maintenance of diplomatic connections to other societies (that essential long-term involvement) can be attenuated. A recent State Department announcement about an overall 10 percent cut in overseas posts for the next fiscal year is the latest confirmation of how the Department has reordered priorities to address terrorism.
Similarly, our public diplomacy efforts in many regions have been shifted to the Arab/Muslim world in a hurried, sometimes panicked desire to make some kind of difference. We will not always be on a war footing, hopefully, and it behooves us to pay attention to other societies’ vision of us. Moreover, we know not what future wake-up calls we may receive from which other troubled regions, just as we felt so severely underrepresented in the Middle East once that area’s woes struck home to us after 9/11.
Recommendation: While the Middle East and the Islamic world will remain important to our foreign policy, the State Department’s concentration of public diplomacy efforts in those areas should be re-examined—especially in the light of eventual military withdrawal—with the aim of resuscitating certain press and cultural activities in areas relatively ignored in recent years, such as Latin America, Africa, Russia and the CIS countries, and the Far East.
Above, the number of American public diplomats was emphasized. Yet it must be remembered that every post in USIA over the years has had a supporting coterie of Foreign Service Nationals from the host country whose numbers were usually a multiple of the number of Americans they worked with.[3] In the earlier Nigerian case noted above, for instance, there were some 75 FSNs in the 1970’s; in Indonesia, more than 100 in the 1960’s. These data could be repeated for many other posts of earlier eras. In parallel with what has happened to their American colleagues, the number of PD local employees in field posts has been trimmed radically in the last decades. Their downsizing has also meant that many of the complex PD field programs mentioned in the previous section have been crippled or eliminated (e.g., center operations).
It should be emphasized here that the importance of FSNs in public diplomacy work is not just in their numbers, but also in their language ability and capabilities. Many are (and were) highly educated, sometimes experts in their fields, people capable of communicating and mingling with the most influential figures in their societies. The fact that competent PD programs deal with informed, select audiences on a regular basis means that senior Foreign Service Nationals must match the quality of those audiences to be credible (FSNs with Ph.D’s were once common at our posts in India). In fact, the intricacies of the best PD programming means that FSNs working in that sphere are often the most accomplished local employees at any U.S. mission overseas. Moreover, the best of them have an abiding interest in American ideas and values. I would add that few other foreign embassies in any country have ever had the quality of local employee resources which U.S. embassies could claim.
We in the United States have been extremely fortunate to have so many committed people on our side, representing us, not as citizens but as steadfast comrades. The fact that the overall number practicing our public diplomacy has dropped so precipitously—by the thousands in the last 40 years—is a loss invisible to most Americans because our populace has been almost completely unaware of their existence, much less of their long-time contribution to our foreign policy.
Recommendation: All of the above argues for, if not a return to former staffing levels of the USIA, a significant increase in our public diplomacy personnel over the next five years by a factor of two to three, including both American officers and Foreign Service Nationals.[4]
Personnel Policies Frustrate PD Practice
In recent years, also, the margin for coverage of our PD positions overseas has not been adequate—as it also has not been for State positions generally. This lack of a built-in personnel surplus or “overcomplement” to cover PD jobs has meant, on the one hand, chronic shortages of personnel and a lack of continuity at posts, and on the other hand, less opportunity for PD staffers to receive training (especially long-term), gain language competences, and deal with unforeseen personal matters.
Recommendation: The Department, besides generously increasing its public diplomacy cadre, should also build in a reasonable margin—five to ten percent—to allow officers to better transition between posts and to absorb more training opportunities.
When USIA was merged with the State Department on October 1999, the public diplomacy “cone” (i.e., work specialty) became merely one of five career track options in our Foreign Service and has been inevitably mingled with the other four specialties (political, economic, administrative, and consular) of the Service. While individual officers may gain useful experience by performing work in other cones, what can be lost is a consistent, long-term exposure to public diplomacy work that once formed our best professionals in the field. Public diplomacy used to be not just a cone option, but, at best, a calling, wherein officers honed their skills in the work over decades.
The significant cutback in overseas PD positions noted above meant that, when cuts to overseas posts were made, they invariably were made at the lowest officer level. It was a no-brainer to slice a lower-ranked Assistant Cultural Affairs Officer (ACAO) position rather than to drop the function of a press officer or Public Affairs Officer (PAO). This long-term practice has meant that junior and mid-level public diplomats have many fewer “training-type” assignments at posts, have less chance of serious mentoring, and have less ability to “get their feet wet” in the work and are much more likely to be placed in jobs beyond their ken.
Being part of one large pool of FSOs has also meant that PD-designated officers are much more often serving in non-PD positions, resulting in less continuity in their work and less ability to build expertise in it. Moreover, because the State personnel system aims to provide most FSOs with at least some public diplomacy exposure, many more overseas positions are filled with non-PD officers who will land at post with less PD competence and who will not necessarily ever practice the work again in their careers.
Recent figures indicate the magnitude of these kinds of assignments. In January 2008, of all PD-designated Foreign Service Officers, 226 were serving in “out of cone” assignments; at the same time, 127 non-PD officers were serving in public diplomacy positions. Beyond this, many junior FSOs in the public diplomacy cone are experiencing multiple assignments out of their PD specialty before they ever get a chance to actually work in their chosen field.[5] At the upper end of assignments, senior PD officers are now more often siphoned off to perform non-PD duties than they were before. Such assignment patterns may be good for individual Foreign Service career paths, but they may not be the best for our collective representation of America overseas.
Recommendation: The Department should establish, once public diplomacy cone officers have attained their tenured status, assignment patterns which would assure that these officers would have at least three out of four assignments in public diplomacy work and establish targets of ten or more consecutive years in that specialty.
Training of Public Diplomats and Foreign Service Nationals
No less important than their recruitment and hiring (which should, by the way, be expanded quickly beyond the single Foreign Service Officer Test[6]) is the amount and quality of training these new PD officers obtain.
The meager number of our diplomats competent in Middle Eastern languages has been much remarked upon (the Djerejian Report most pointedly), but this should have been no surprise, given the difficulty of the languages for Westerners, the ongoing political difficulties in operating in parts of the region, and our relatively modest resources committed to the area before 9/11. And while having more and better officers with fluency in Arabic, Farsi, Pashto, and Urdu is surely a good thing, this now abiding focus on the lands deemed “terror potential” should not crowd out our training and recruiting of language competent people to serve elsewhere in the world. As suggested above, there is no telling, really, when a new international crisis arises may arise when we will need a cadre of PD officers who can perform in Ukrainian or Malay.
While it is assumed that PD officers will often get their basic underpinning in a new language at home—typically at the State Department’s Foreign Service Institute—efforts should be made to extend more language training to the post level, where the officer can truly test his ability in an actual foreign language environment and more quickly gain professional competence. Overall, PD officers best hone their cross-cultural skills while living in their countries of assignment, not in stateside classrooms.
There are, however, areas of public diplomacy training in Washington which could also be expanded, e.g., additional emphasis on American societal issues and trends, specialized technical skills (especially in new technologies), and basic practical exercises on working in an American mission overseas. To note: a recent comprehensive report of the Advisory Committee on Public Diplomacy addresses training issues and suggests creating a lengthy professional-level course as well as courses on communications theory.[7]
Recommendation: We should expand the language training for our public diplomacy cadre in the countries or areas to which they are assigned, funding both more language sessions at post and providing lengthy (year-long) training at posts with hard language demands. Washington-based public diplomacy training could also be strengthened, in turn, with more courses on Americana, new communication technologies, and more practical workplace exercises.
Training for FSNs has too often been an afterthought in PD operations, but these crucial interlocutors, especially those with substantive contacts in their societies, need to be in tune with things American in-depth and, at best, on our native ground, to do their jobs to the full.
Recommendation: Training opportunities should be expanded for FSNs, with a particular emphasis on training in the United States, both at Washington headquarters and throughout the country. Additional FSN training should be fostered at the post level and at regional training centers, with courses emphasizing both practical job training and continuing instruction on U.S. society and culture. A goal would be to establish at least one such regional training for each geographic region.
Increase Public Diplomacy Autonomy of Action
Not only are there many fewer personnel practicing our overseas public diplomacy, they have less time to pursue the real work. This has been especially true since the consolidation of USIA into the State Department. This case was well made by James Bullock in the Public Diplomacy Council’s publication entitled “Engaging the Arab and Muslim Worlds Through Public Diplomacy.”[8] Though his position as Public Affairs Officer in Cairo was in an important Middle East post, what he said was relevant to PD officers everywhere.
Bullock noted from his Cairo vantage point that, with the 1999 merger, the State Department has come to “view their PAOs as in-house staff rather than as autonomous programmers they were under USIA.” He noted that the PAO has become much less a line manager of autonomous activities directed to foreigners and much more a subordinate functionary helping out other State officers. His work day changed: Bullock describes that day as 50 percent taken up by meetings and coordination actions within the Embassy, and—with his other routine administrative tasks--he said he was “grateful to find the time for one substantive outside call per day.” He also, along with all other PAOs, lost administrative personnel once directly under his supervision and wholly dedicated to PD efforts but now assigned to broader embassy tasks.
Making Bullock’s Public Affairs Section even less effective is the fact that he no longer had a direct link to a significant headquarters apparatus, as he did with USIA Washington’s bureaucracy. Powerful Agency Area Offices, which once coordinated all USIS programming, “became small offices with little influence, buried within State’s regional bureaus.” If the above analysis is accurate, what our PD field operations may need more than anything else is a better and more agile structure in Washington with more direct links to the PAO and his staff in each overseas office.
Recommendation: To heighten our PD agility—in responding to media, in crafting programs, in creating exchange opportunities—Washington should cede more autonomy to PD field offices. It must give our overseas public diplomats credence as competent actors in an environment which they have been trained to study and interpret. Something as simple as a “special PAO reserve fund” (modeled on the reserve monies a U.S. ambassador commands) could, for example, support training for PD staffs or fund small grants to worthy local institutions.
Revive the American Cultural Center
Since 1969, when USIA was at its zenith, the nature of PD work has changed, in some cases dramatically. Much of the Third World has moved into the First World. International media has grown, sometimes exploded, especially television and information through the ether. We do not need, for example, a contingent of “audio-visual” officers as we had in a struggling post-war world, when moving images were few and media outlets limited. We rightly phased out clusters of cultural centers—like our Amerika-Häuser in Germany—when local institutions could pick up much of the programming slack. Still, the end of the Cold War seemed to create a kind of easy euphoria in policy and Congressional circles with our victory over the “Commies.” This lead to some smug triumphalism and to some quick and easy cutbacks of PD resources overseas and a lack of awareness that “the American model” had hardly been accepted everywhere.
Though the PD focus on stand-alone cultural entities, such as earlier cultural centers and libraries, had lessened by the 1990’s, their very existence has been questioned after the shock of 9/11 and the—perhaps understandable—obsession with the security of our overseas personnel. An overriding bunker mentality has been created that assumes that our diplomats must be physically protected above all. But, if, as argued above, personal contact is so important to effectively communicating with foreign audiences, ways must be found to enhance it.
The best way to read a person, to see if that person is credible, to see if you two “click,” is to deal with him in person, and while our PD officers can, of course, visit locals in their own settings, there should be an environment, a focus where host nationals interested in us and our life know they can encounter a competent, welcoming American. The opening of additional centers would also allow for a new influx of trained junior and mid-level PD officers who could aspire to more senior information and cultural jobs.
Most American Cultural Centers used to be social, even political, havens where other peoples could learn and read English, pursue private research on our nation, and interact with U.S. colleagues and experts in sundry fields. They offered a far more comprehensive American “environment” than the recently established “American Corners,” which are pockets of Americana placed in an indigenous library or academic institution, but with no American officer or FSN presence. “Corners” are earnest but pallid shades of our earlier centers created in another bow to our security-minded age.
True American Centers were, and could be again, structures separate from our Embassy bastions, where the aim is to deal with local people--not to fend them off. They would pointedly be sited in center cities, close to local cultural and educational institutions, the better to reach our audiences in those countries. Of course, protecting our diplomatic entities is important in the newly turbulent 21st century, but there are ways to balance good security with access to the audiences that public diplomacy must address. Such centers would aim to be security conscious, not security dependent. An excellent current example of how they can still function and directly contribute to open, democratic practices is described vividly in a recent New Yorker article (issue of August 21, 2008) by George Packer, who describes in detail how much the very active American Center in Rangoon has edified those Burmese interested a wider world outside the grim environment created by their lamentable military dictatorship.
Recommendation: Especially in lesser-developed capitals and cities, we should re-establish more full-service American Centers. Current realities would require some practical security elements, of course, but these should not override openness to foreign visitors. We know that new investment in buildings is not deemed prudent by current budgeteers, but some revival of American Centers should be attempted, say, by re-opening one or two in strategic cities within each regional bureau.
Such centers could, by the way, incorporate libraries again, and that does not mean “Information Resource Centers (IRCs),” the neologism that has taken over that function in our foreign affairs bureaucracy. The premise of such IRCs is that they focus pointedly on Internet reference work and outreach for interested, targeted users rather than old, outmoded libraries with bookshelves in reading rooms. Further, in dicey times, it has been thought IRCs could still service their clients at a remove, without them having to physically come to the institution. They gibed with our society’s new, more serious labeling of librarians as purveyors of “information science.”
Yet the “IRC” is a nomenclature that much of the world simply does not recognize and which is frankly hard to translate, placing a new layer of obfuscation over an institution that everyone recognizes worldwide: the library.
Many ex-USIS officers can cite instances of mature academic, literary, and intellectual talents in their host country who got their first taste of American life and lore while musing in a USIS library, a library usually unlike any in their own country, whose very openness reflected the best aspects of the society it stems from. For many, that library was a discovery that lasted a lifetime. Our PD officer complement has long included, and still includes, American Library Specialists, almost all with regional responsibilities. These professionals could better serve their audiences, and our public diplomacy, if they were physically based in a library institution.
Recommendation: There should be an infusion of new American “libraries,” called by that name, containing all the technological aids that information resource centers already possess, but in addition, existing in a accessible public space to provide crucial interaction of foreigners with knowledgeable PD staffers. They would also allow, especially for students, a chance to truly discover the United States through thoughtful reading in a learning climate that is specifically American.
Recommendation: Within that increase in human resources mentioned above, consideration should be given to at least doubling the number of Library Specialists over the next five years and installing them, where possible, in American centers and libraries, where they can interact directly with foreign publics.
Another local cultural institution which has long proven effective for enhancing PD activities is the binational center (BNC). Mostly based in Latin America, these indigenous entities with bi-cultural roots have flourished—some for decades—as purveyors of American culture and life, chiefly through English-teaching classes, libraries, and diverse educational and recreational programming. The latter revenue-generating classes and programs allowed most of these BNCs to be self-financed and not dependent on U.S. dollars.
Up until the 1980’s, American officers, sometimes more than one, acted as directors of such BNCs, achieving a broad and natural connection to local people in several spheres. By the mid-1990’s, there were no more U.S. BNC directors, their function having been eliminated as part of that steady cutback of personnel mentioned above. Such positions were, for years, also first on the block when budget reductions were called for.
Recommendation: Reinitiate assignments of public diplomacy officers into major binational centers in Latin America and experiment with establishing positions for PD staffers in other bi-cultural entities, such as overseas language schools or American-curriculum universities.
Conclusion
The emphasis above on having competent officers and staffers in our PD field operations argues for more—many more—of them to conduct the nation’s public diplomacy. And for those who argue—usually from Washington—that so much of our public diplomacy can and should now be conducted via instantaneous electronic communications and virtual means, I would repeat that the most effective overseas public diplomacy has always been face-to-face contact between American personnel and their foreign interlocutors. In fact, having more competent overseas representatives who are comfortable with and proficient in new communications technologies would enhance the effectiveness of both.
It should be noted that all positive human interactions, with all their attributes of non-verbal communication present (such as tone of voice, facial expression, and body language), can be even more meaningful in many culture’s unlike ours, where traditional, familial, and tribal values trump all the abstract transactions—on paper and computer screen—that much of our own society currently prizes. As stressed above, such personal links to other peoples allows us to truly listen to what they say and, in turn, make those well-fashioned arguments we present about ourselves all the more persuasive.
At bottom, the US Government should recruit, train, and send into the wider world a valiant new wave of paragons who possess facets of the cogent diplomat, the adept manager, the dogged intelligence officer, the fluent linguist, the amiable polymath, the convincing public speaker, and the gifted event planner.
I only hope that’s not asking too much.
(Canning is a member of the Board of the Public Diplomacy Council, a past president of the USIA Alumni Association, and a retired career USIA Foreign Service Officer. This paper’s content owes much to the comments, suggestions, and corrections supplied by numerous members of the Public Diplomacy Council.)
(11/6/08)
[1] Changing Minds, Winning Peace: A New Strategic Direction for U.S. Public Diplomacy in the Arab and Muslim World, The Advisory Group on Public Diplomacy for the Arab and Muslim World, October 1, 2003.
[2] Montaigne, Michel de, “Of the Education of Children,” in
Selected Essays (translated by Donald M. Frame), Walter J. Black, Inc., Roslyn, N.Y., 1943, p. 15.
[3] Recently the State Department has re-cast the FSN designation as “Locally Employed Staff,” or LES; this paper uses the earlier designation for old time’s sake.
[4] A just-released report (
A Foreign Affairs Budget for the Future: Fixing the Crisis in Diplomatic Relations, by the American Academy of Diplomacy, Washington, DC, October 2008, p. 14) urges the hiring of 489 American staffers and 369 FSNs over the years 2010-2014. This strikes me as a sensible target.
[5] These figures come from recent statistics compiled by Stan Silverman and Stephen Chaplin, retired USIA officers who were contributors to the American Academy of Diplomacy’s recent study of the foreign affairs budget.
[6] For decades, this basic—and infamous--entrance exam was known as the Foreign Service Written Exam, or FSWE.
[7] Getting the People Part Right: A Report on the Human Resources Dimension of U.S. Public Diplomacy, U.S. Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy, June 2008, pp.16-17.
[8] Bullock, James L. ,” The Role of the Embassy Public Affairs Officer after 9/11,” in
Engaging the Arab and Islamic Worlds through Public Diplomacy, edited by William A, Rugh, Washington, DC., Public Diplomacy Council, 2004, pp. 35-48.
Caption: U.S. Democratic presidential contender Sen. Barack Obama, D-Ill., right, is presented with an "I Love Sderot" T-shirt with a rocket in a heart by Sderot Mayor Eli Moyal as they stand in front of a display of rockets that landed in southern Israel, during a visit to Sderot, southern Israel, Wednesday, July 23, 2008.
Back to English Comp: Notes for a Public Diplomacy Primer - Patricia Lee Sharpe, Whirled View: “Even if the Obama administration turns out to be as inspired (and brave) as many hope it will be, the PD task ahead is enormous. We need an under secretary who understands that PD is not advertising or public relations or propaganda or all the nice things that private citizens can do in their various capacities. It’s the official voice of the government of the United States of America talking to (and with) the people of the world about matters of critical importance to all of us.”
Twitter and Public Diplomacy: Deputy Assistant Secretary Colleen Graffy (Part II) – Darren Krape blog: “Not everyone will agree with efforts like Graffy’s use of Twitter, but they demonstrate a real willingness to go beyond merely pushing a message to really trying to foster real conversations (both online and off), which, in the end, is what public diplomacy is all about.”
The two now former BBG members who were most responsible for this public diplomacy and foreign policy blunder were James K. Glassman, the BBG’s most recent neoconservative chairman who is now the U.S. Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy, and liberal Democrat, Edward E. Kaufman, who was subsequently appointed to succeed Vice President elect Joe Biden as a U.S. Senator from Delaware.” On BBG, see. Cartoon from.
Israel Launches High-Tech Public Diplomacy Outreach To Explain Operation Cast Lead – Omri Ceren, Mere Rhetoric: “The Israeli consulate in New York has set up a Twitter account and a YouTube channel to help combat media bias … Israeli Communication scholars have been advising the MFA for years that they have to expand their public diplomacy. I'm generally skeptical about mass persuasion on the basis of sound argument - we live in a world of low information voters who nonetheless feel entitled to be gigantic tools - but it's certainly better than nothing. Although I think that they left comments open on their YouTube videos. That shouldn't last long.”
"Israel’s assault on Gaza has launched an emotional firestorm on Facebook—including violent threats, Nazi slurs, and pleas for reconciliation: Joel Leyden, an experienced PR consultant in Israel who sometimes lends his services to the government, created a pro-Israel Facebook group, 'I Support the Israel Defense Forces In Preventing Terror Attacks From Gaza,' two hours after the first bombs landed in Gaza to help sway public opinion."
"In the 1990s, the Clinton Administration and Congress abolished the United States Information Agency, the key agency through which the nation fought its war of ideas with the Soviet Union. In the heady thinking of that decade, the spread of free markets and rising living standards across the globe were supposed to reduce the threats to our well-being from abroad. But while that 'Washington Census' held sway in the West, a rabidly anti-modern, anti-American ideology spread along the rocky terrain of Afghanistan and in mosques and madrassas across the Muslim world, planting the seeds of death and destruction. Thus came the bombings of the U.S. marine barracks in Beirut in 1983, of the World Trade Center in 1993, of Khobar Towers in Saudi Arabia in 1996, of U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998 and of the USS Cole in 2000, all of which culminated in the flames of 9/11." Lawrence J. Haas, North Star Writers Group, 30 December 2008. Elliott Comment: “All that because USIA was eliminated? And USIA did not disappear until 1999. The writer airbrushes out the fact that the late Senator Jesse Helms (R-NC) was the prime mover in the folding of USIA into the State Department.” On USIA, see
Put Culture in the Cabinet - William R. Ferris, New York Times: Over the years, America has developed an impressive array of federal cultural programs -- in addition to the endowments for the arts and the humanities. The president should create a cabinet-level position -- a secretary of culture -- to provide more cohesive leadership for these impressive programs and to assure that they receive the recognition and financing they deserve.
Make love, not war - Cal Thomas, Washington Times: Officers with the Central Intelligence Agency have been handing out little blue Viagra pills to Afghan tribal leaders, some of whom have more than one wife. "Viva Viagra!" if it keeps Afghan warlords off the battlefield and keeps them in the bedroom while providing, in between sessions, useful information about the Taliban.
Israeli psyop calling Gaza telephones? - Kim Andrew Elliott Discussing International Broadcasting and Public Diplomacy
Our self-righteous celebration of ourselves and our supposed virtue is as false as that of Israel.
FROM
Regarding Colleen P. Graffy's Dec. 24 op-ed, "A Tweet in Foggy Bottom" -- Thomas J. Carolan Jr., Silver Spring, letter to the editor, 
A bipartisan congressional panel, the U.S. Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy, released a June 2008 report entitled, ‘Getting the People Part Right.’ The report mentioned that the federal government could ‘significantly enhance the quality and effectiveness of our nation’s outreach to foreign publics by recruiting for the public diplomacy career track in a more focused way.’”
One clear lesson that emerged from the Cold War was that winning hearts and minds required communicating in a way that ‘connected’ with people on their terms, whether through film or jazz or jeans. To keep our public diplomacy relevant today, we have to reach out and connect with people on their terms, whether we use blogs or texts -- or tweets.” The writer is deputy assistant secretary of state for public diplomacy.
Politics is public diplomacy, a form of public relations designed to sell actual policy whether it's to Americans or to other nations. It's used many times to effect change, regime change, that is. Then it's called psyops, or psychological operations. It's a means to conduct covert business where the buyer may not want the product and so must be manipulated into buying it, and depending on what and who's being sold, the sales pitch can be hard or delicate, ranging from buzz words and talking points, festivities surrounding presidential elections and propaganda planted in media as a means of new product introduction to the hard sell of false flags and proxy wars to effect a foreign government's destruction."
“Patricia H. Kushlis, in her December 21 post, says she is ‘no fan’ of the phrase ‘war of ideas.’ Welcome to the club. I have raised similar objections since I became Under Secretary back in June. First, the term has an inappropriate bellicosity. Second, it implies a sort of Manichean, us-vs.-them viewpoint that does not reflect the nature of our approach to public diplomacy – which is broadly inclusive and encouraging of a grand global conversation. Unfortunately, no one has come up with a good alternative to the phrase, even though we've repeatedly asked. No matter. 
PHOTO: A Jordanian protestor holds up a picture of U.S. President George W. Bush with a shoe fixed on it, during a demonstration in support of Iraqi journalist Muntadhar al-Zeidi in Amman, Jordan, Saturday, Dec. 20, 2008. Dozens of protestors gathered to demand the release of Al-Zaidi, who threw his shoes at U.S. President George W. Bush during a news conference in Iraq on Sunday, Dec. 14. (AP Photo/Nader Daoud)
I believe that there is very little basis for most of what's circulating (in the U.S. or in Iraq) but in a sense that's the point -- that's what happens in the absence of good information. This is a good example of where public diplomacy and foreign policy come together -- by listening to what Iraqis are saying, and moving quickly and judiciously to respond to those concerns, the administration might be able to pre-empt the emergence of unnecessary problems.” PHOTO: Marc Lynch.
Persuasive politics - Matt Armstrong, 
In 2007, there was a national security document on public diplomacy. It was a public document; you can read it. In it were some instructions to ambassadors about religion, and it said, ‘Avoid using religious language.’ Think about it. That's like saying, when going to Saudi Arabia, whatever you do, don't speak Arabic. Avoid using religious language? This is nonsense. We have got to get into the guts of religion, we have got to understand religion, we must respect it. But to avoid it in the world we live in is the furthest thing from ‘realism’ in American foreign policy.”
Anecdotes from American tourists abroad alone could have told the public diplomacy experts: they don't like Guantanamo, they don't like our blind eye to the environment, they don't like our science denying policies, they don't like our war of choice. The Bush hype gave nation-building a bad name, and turned our brand into Bully. The Obama re-branding could not have come too soon.“
This is a fundamentally counterintuitive proposal. After all, there is a broad consensus in American policymaking circles that the United States ought to be more involved in such things as promoting human rights, solving the Israeli-Palestinian dispute, and engaging in a deep and sustained public diplomacy effort. Unfortunately, all of those recommendations serve to deepen and reinforce the common belief in the Muslim world that the United States is an octopus whose tentacles reach in every corner of the region. The more visibly engaged we are, the more ammunition we give to those who seek to blame every misfortune on the United States.”
