Thursday, February 2, 2017

Diplomacy's Public Dimension: Books, Articles, Websites #84


via LJB by email

Gregory image from

The following is courtesy of Professor Bruce Gregory/George Washington University:
Diplomacy's Public Dimension: Books, Articles, Websites #84


February 1, 2017
Intended for teachers of public diplomacy and related courses, here is an update on resources that may be of general interest.  Suggestions for future updates are welcome.
Bruce Gregory
Institute for Public Diplomacy
   and Global Communication
George Washington University

Robert Albro, “Diplomacy and the Efficacy of Transnational Applied Cultural Networks,” Chapter 6, 121-143, in Deborah L. Trent, ed., Nontraditional U.S. Public Diplomacy: Past, Present, and Future, (Public Diplomacy Council, 2016).  Albro (American University) examines effects and potential benefits for public diplomacy of recent varieties of collaborative diplomacy – understood as policy-focused cultural networks that give attention to cultural content in achieving humanitarian goals.  He argues this collaborative diplomacy turn, driven increasingly by interconnected geopolitical problems, tends to emphasize trust building, cooperation on shared objectives and values, interagency partnerships, association with cultural networks, collaborative story telling, and co-creation of cultural knowledge.  Abro’s ideas and examples update a series of posts available on his Public Policy Anthropologist blog site.  His posts are a source of instructive readings for students on cultural diplomacy topics.
  
Jieun Baek, “The Opening of the North Korean Mind: Pyongyang Versus the Digital Underground,” Foreign Affairs,January/February, 2017, 104-113.  Baek (Belfer Center, Harvard University) profiles media smuggling operations in North Korea’s gray and black markets that, despite threats of harsh punishment, have created “a surprisingly robust network that links ordinary citizens to the outside world through contraband cell phones, laptops, tablet computers, and data drives.”  She argues growing citizen awareness, especially among young people, is not a danger to Kim Jong Un in the short-term, but this “digital underground might represent a long-term existential threat.”  Support by governments and NGOs for the flow of digital technologies, outside media, and cultural products, Baek concludes, may be the most sustainable and cost-effective way to encourage change from within.  The essay is adapted from her book, North Korea’s Hidden Revolution: How the Information Underground is Transforming a Closed Society (Yale University Press, 2016).

Katherine A. Brown, Shannon N. Green, and Jian “Jay” Wang, Public Diplomacy and National Security in 2017: Building Alliances, Fighting Extremism, and Dispelling Disinformation,Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Washington, DC, January 2017.  In this well-organized 17-page paper, Brown (Council on Foreign Relations), Green (CSIS), and Wang (USC Center on Public Diplomacy) seek to map a public diplomacy course for the Trump administration grounded on their understanding of PD and lessons learned “in applying PD tools” – primarily those used by “a sound public diplomacy apparatus at the U.S. Department of State” during the Obama administration.  The authors summarize successes, challenges, and recommendations in three broad areas: strengthening networks with citizens abroad, weakening violent extremism, and dispelling disinformation by state actors.  Their paper knowledgeably discusses important developments within the State Department, but its narrow focus does not include the roles of the Obama White House and numerous other government and non-government actors in the public dimension of US diplomacy.  The paper emphasizes two categories of threat and provides an informed assessment of PD in each, but it leaves unaddressed a broad array of other critically important transnational issues of diplomatic concern.

Robin Brown, “Public Diplomacy, Networks, and the Limits of Strategic Narratives,” Chapter 7, pp. 164-189, in Alister Miskimmon, Ben O’Loughlin, and Laura Roselle, eds., Forging the World: Strategic Narratives and International Relations, (University of Michigan Press, 2017).  Brown (Archetti Brown Associates) uses conceptual arguments and cases from public diplomacy practice to examine claims made by strategic narrative theorists (see Miskimmon et al., Forging the World below).  He begins by discussing the problem of including public diplomacy in theoretical frameworks of international relations – a discourse in the chapter that has considerable value on its own.  He then turns to the relevance of relational sociology in understanding the intersection of narratives and networks.  Brown applies his reasoning to three cases: attempts to influence a neutral United States to enter World War I, Russia’s efforts to influence Western policies on Ukraine, and information activities of the Islamic State.  He concludes that narratives must be understood in the context of the networks that carry them, external events, and competing narratives; that successful narrative projection is difficult to achieve; and that new communication technologies are unlikely to change this.

Conference Report to Accompany S. 2943, National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2017, US House of Representatives, November 2016, (scroll down to pp. 1396-1421).  The Conference Report summarizes purposes and functions of a Global Engagement Center in the Department of State as authorized by Section 1287, pp. 1396-1404, of the Defense Authorization Act enacted in December 2016.  The Secretary of State in coordination with the Secretary of Defense and the heads of other relevant departments and agencies shall establish the Center “to lead, synchronize, and coordinate efforts of the Federal Government to recognize, understand, expose, and counter foreign state and non-state propaganda and disinformation efforts aimed at undermining United States national security interests.”

In Section 1288, pp. 1404-1421, the Conference Report summarizes structural reforms of the Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG), which will continue to exist as the federal agency that operates US international broadcasting.  The Defense Authorization Act authorizes a Chief Executive Officer to head the BBG – thereby assuming management responsibilities previously carried out by the BBG’s Board of Governors – and establishes an International Broadcasting Advisory Board to advise the BBG’s CEO. 

“Statement by the President on Signing the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal 2017,” December 23, 2016.  In his signing statement, President Obama expressed strong support for the Act’s structural reforms of the BBG and its retention of the longstanding firewall intended to protect the credibility and professional independence of the BBG’s broadcasters.  The President also voiced support for elevating the current CEO to head the BBG, but he observed that the manner of transition raises constitutional concerns related to his “appointments and removal authority.”  He promised a plan to mitigate constitutional concerns while “adhering closely to the Congress’s intent.”

Keir Giles, “Handbook of Russian Information Warfare,” Research Division, NATO Defense College, November 2016.  In this 77-page monograph, Giles (Royal Institute of International Affairs, Chatham House) “provides an introductory guide to the Russian concept of information warfare, including elements of cyber warfare” for NATO soldiers and officials.  Its sections cover concepts and terminology, Russia’s goals and objectives, lessons from the history of Russia’s approach, and possible future challenges.  As Giles explains, “Two themes occur throughout the handbook: the waging of information warfare during notional peacetime; and the holistic, all-encompassing nature of the ‘information’ that is both the subject and the medium of the conflict.”

Katherine Grandjean, American Passage: The Communications Frontier in Early New England, (Harvard University Press, 2015).  At a time when mapping boundaries (foreign/domestic, diplomacy/governance/civil society, public/private) increasingly challenges scholars and practitioners, new historical research offers insights that link modern perspectives with past eras of disordered communication and inter-cultural connections between groups.  Grandjean (Wellesley College) examines a tangle of news, rumor, and diplomacy among scattered actors in 17th century New England – English, French, and Dutch colonists, Mohawk, Iroquois, Pequot, Narragansett, and other indigenous peoples.  Her well-researched story is about a “communications frontier” during the century before a postal service and the first regular newspapers (1704).  Colonial travelers, native messengers, couriers, soldiers, and sailors created webs of connections that bridged early encounters and subsequent diplomatic negotiations that structured the power relations that led to eventual English control of the region.  Borrowing from Harvard historian Jill Lepore, Grandjean focuses on the question, “Does the walking trail, perhaps, tell as much as the fence?”

Craig Hayden, “International Education and Public Diplomacy: Technology, MOOCS, and Transforming Engagement, Chapter 10, 219-246, in Deborah L. Trent, ed., Nontraditional U.S. Public Diplomacy: Past, Present, and Future, (Public Diplomacy Council, 2016).  Hayden (Department of State, American University) brings a scholar’s insights to ways in which the State Department’s use of technology platforms for educational and cultural diplomacy lead to new forms of public diplomacy practice and strategy.  His chapter briefly examines concepts of public diplomacy and soft power, ways in which media studies and communication theory are changing institutional norms and practices surrounding public diplomacy, and aspects of US educational exchange programs (e.g., the State Department “Collaboratory” unit’s MOOC Camp Initiative and Google Hangout pilot programs) that provide opportunities and challenges for practitioners.  Hayden demonstrates “how some logics of public diplomacy are transformed by the material context of technology, while others endure.”

Alister Miskimmon, Ben O’Loughlin, and Laura Roselle, eds., Forging the World: Strategic Narratives and International Relations, (University of Michigan Press, 2017).  Essays by prominent IR and communications scholars in this important new book, edited by Miskimmon and O’Loughlin (both University of London) and Roselle (Duke University), examine cutting edge issues in the use of strategic narratives by political actors.  Strategic narratives, they explain, are means by which a wide variety of state and non-state actors seek to construct shared meanings of the past, present, and future that “promote their interests, values, and expectations” and “shape the behavior of domestic and international actors.”  Early chapters provide a theoretical framework and give particular attention to methods, ethics, and identity.  The following chapters contain empirical case studies.  The book bridges scholarship and practice and builds on the editors’ earlier volume, Strategic Narratives: Communication Power and the New World Order (2013).
-- Alister Miskimmon, Ben O’Loughlin, and Laura Roselle, “Introduction”
-- Ben O’Loughlin with Alister Miskimmon and Laura Roselle, “Strategic Narratives: Methods and Ethics”
-- Laura Roselle, “Strategic Narratives and Great Power Identity”
-- Alister Miskimmon, “Finding a Unified Voice? The European Union Through a Strategic Narrative Lens”
-- Ning Liao (New Jersey City University), “The Power of Strategic Narratives: The Communicative Dynamics of Strategic Nationalism and Foreign Relations”
-- J. P. Singh (University of Edinburgh), “Beyond Neoliberalism: Contested Narratives of International Development”
-- Robin Brown (Archetti Brown Associates), “Public Diplomacy, Networks, and the Limits of Strategic Narratives”
-- Amelia Arsenault (Georgia State University), Sun-ha Hong (University of Pennsylvania), and Monroe Price (University of Pennsylvania), “Strategic Narratives of the Arab Spring and After”
-- Christina Archetti (University of Oslo), “Narrative Wars: Understanding Terrorism in the Era of Global Connectedness”
-- Ben O’Loughlin, “Filling the Narrative Vacuum in a Global Crisis: Japan’s Triple Disaster”
-- Alister Miskimmon and Ben O’Loughlin, “Understanding International Order and Power Transition: A Strategic Narrative Approach”
-- Alister Miskimmon, Ben O’Loughlin, and Laura Roselle, “Conclusions”

Donna Marie Oglesby, “Sowing the Seeds of Diplomacy on Hard American Ground,” The Hague Journal of Diplomacy, available online December 2016.
Oglesby (Eckerd College) examines how diplomacy in US higher education is taught, shaped, and constrained by the social context of those who teach.  She makes several key arguments.  Because the main institutions of American society do not support diplomacy as a profession or field of study, demand for diplomacy teachers and courses is weak in American higher education.  Scholars and practitioners who teach have different life experiences and social contexts that make circulation of ideas between the two communities rare.  Teachers make very different choices in course content and teaching methods.  Oglesby draws on in-depth interviews, a comparative survey of 75 course syllabi, and a literature review that includes IR, security studies, political philosophy, social psychology, teaching and learning.  Her trademark gardening metaphors illuminate her reasoning.  The article raises challenging questions that ought to inform discourse within universities, between foreign ministries and universities seeking mutually advantageous connections, in the International Studies Association and other scholarly communities -- and in the thinking of all who support the growth of diplomacy studies as an academic field.

James Pamment, British Public Diplomacy & Soft Power: Diplomatic Influence & Digital Disruption, (Palgrave Macmillan, 2016).  Pamment (Lund University) explores ways in which numerous reform studies and the work of practitioners during the past twenty years have shaped changes in British diplomatic practice.  His central argument is that digital technologies and broader public participation in foreign affairs have led to profound changes in the work of the UK’s Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), British Council, and BBC World Service – a “re-imagining of British diplomacy.”  Chapters include assessments of the reform studies and their impact, case studies of strategic campaigns, and analysis of ways in which changes in practice reflect varied and changing conceptual understandings of public diplomacy, soft power, engagement, strategic campaigns, image, identity, and cultural relations.  Pamment’s important book has value for scholars and practitioners, not only for its knowledgeable investigation of the British case, but also for his thinking on broader implications for understanding ways in which public diplomacy is now at “the very core of diplomatic practice.”  His research also calls to mind that for many years in the 20th century the UK and the US held biannual meetings between senior practitioners, alternately in London and Washington, on public diplomacy’s tools and methods – a practice that would have value if reinstated today.  For an online interview with Pamment on the book’s themes, see The Place Brand Observer, October 27, 2016.

“Public Diplomacy and National Security Lessons Learned for the Next Administration,” Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), January 17, 2017, video, approximately 90 minutes.  CSIS’s Human Rights Initiative and USC’s Center on Public Diplomacy hosted a conversation with Benjamin K. Rhodes,  Deputy National Security Advisor for Strategic Communications and Speech Writing and James K. Glassman, former Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs, moderated by Michael Crowley, Senior Foreign Affairs Correspondent for Politico.  Before the conversation, Katherine Brown and Jay Wang summarized recommendations in their CSIS/USC report Public Diplomacy and National Security in 2017: Building Alliances, Fighting Extremism, and Dispelling Disinformation (see annotation above).  Ambassador D. Bruce Wharton, Acting Undersecretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs, delivered closing remarks.

William Rugh, “American Soft Power and Public Diplomacy in the Arab World,” Palgrave Communications, published online January 10, 2017.  Rugh (Northeastern University) draws on his interpretations of US public diplomacy practice and Joseph Nye’s concept of soft power in this assessment of the impact of both in the Arab world.  Issues discussed include the impact of the digital revolution, private dissemination of American cultural products, whether others still view the US political system as a model, underfunded exchange of persons activities, and a Defense Department “mission creep” that competes with the State Department’s public diplomacy.  The strength of the essay lies primarily in his understanding of the Arab world based on decades of service as a career diplomat in the region.

Deborah L. Trent, ed., Nontraditional U.S. Public Diplomacy: Past, Present, and Future, (Public Diplomacy Council, 2016).  This is a diverse compilation of case studies of US public diplomacy by scholars, policy analysts, and former diplomacy practitioners.  Their collective intent, as framed by editor Deborah Trent (Public Diplomacy Council) is to analyze “innovations that either effectively bucked traditional practices or should have” and examine “other scenarios where new approaches are worth trying.”  The Council is a nonprofit organization committed to the importance of the academic study, professional practice, and responsible advocacy of public diplomacy.  Abstracts of the essays are on the Council’s website.    
-- Deborah L. Trent, “Introduction”
-- Anthony C. E. Quainton (American University), “Public Diplomacy: Can It Be Defined?”
-- John Brown (Senior Foreign Service Officer, retired), “Janus-Faced Public Diplomacy: Creel and Lippmann During the Great War”
-- Dick Virden (Senior Foreign Service Officer, retired), “The Uses and Abuses of Public Diplomacy: Winning and Losing Hearts and Minds”
-- Carol Balassa (Curb Center for Art, Enterprise, and Public Policy, Vanderbilt University), “America’s Image Abroad: The UNESCO Cultural Diversity Convention and U.S. Motion Picture Exports”
-- Robert Albro (American University), “Diplomacy and the Efficacy of Transnational Applied Cultural Networks”
-- Peter Kovach (Senior Foreign Service Officer, retired), “Public Diplomacy Engages Religious Communities, Actors, and Organizations: A Belated and Transformative Marriage”
-- Helle Dale (The Heritage Foundation), “Nontraditional Public Diplomacy in the Iraq-Afghan Wars or the Ups and Downs of Strategic Communicators”
-- Deborah L. Trent, “Cultural Diplomacy Partnerships: Cracking the Credibility Nut with Inclusive Participation”
-- Craig Hayden (Department of State, American University), “International Education and Public Diplomacy: Technology, MOOCS, and Transforming Engagement”
-- Jong-on Hahm (George Washington University), “Funding International Scientific Research Activities as Opportunities for Public Diplomacy”
Brian E. Carlson (Senior Foreign Service Officer, retired), “Turning Point”

Abdul Basir Yosufi, “The Rise and Consolidation of Islamic State: External Intervention and Sectarian Conflict,” Connections QJ, 14, no. 4 (2016), 91-110.  Yosufi (General Director for International Cooperation, Afghanistan Ministry of Interior, Fulbright scholarship recipient and graduate of Georgetown University’s School of Foreign Service) explores ways in which the US intervention in Iraq created a “strategic cause” for mobilization of the Islamic State’s (IS) insurgency, the contributing factors of sectarian conflict in Iraq and the region, and how deficiencies in counterinsurgency resources and doctrine allowed IS to consolidate.  He supports these claims with reasoning and examples, and also briefly draws contrasts between experiences with IS in Iraq and Al Qaeda in Afghanistan.  His paper concludes with lessons learned and policy implications of his analysis that include elements of a political solution, a population-centric counterinsurgency strategy, and a negotiated agreement that addresses security concerns of countries in the region.

R. S. Zaharna, “Emotion, Identity, and Social Media: Developing a New Awareness, Lens, and Vocabulary for Diplomacy 21,”Working Paper, Project “Diplomacy in the 21st Century,” No. 2, Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP), German Institute for International and Security Affairs, January 2017.  In this working paper, Zaharna (American University) offers several ideas intended for further research and discussion.  (1) Primary challenges presented by digital technologies and social media are in their impact on the public arena in which diplomacy practitioners operate, not on their diplomacy or the technologies themselves.  (2) Increasingly emotion and identity are becoming defining features of publics and the public arena.  (3) These trends challenge “rational” state actor models, “pragmatic rationalism,” and state-centric assumptions about diplomacy.  Her paper explores ways in which scholars and practitioners should move from “new communication tools” to “new communication dynamics” and from “digital diplomacy” to “diplomacy in the public domain.”
Recent Blogs and Other Items of Interest

Nick Anderson, “Surge in Foreign Students May Be Crowding Americans Out of Elite Colleges,” December 21, 2016, The Washington Post.

Matthew Armstrong, “The Past, Present, and Future of the War for Public Information,” January 19, 2017, War on the Rocks Blog.

Max Boot, “Losing the Information War,” January 10, 2017, Commentary.

Robin Brown, “Analyzing Public Diplomacies: Four Dimensions,” January 26, 2017; “Is Digital Diplomacy the Old Radio,” January 13, 2017; “First World Propaganda: Thoughts and Lessons,” January 8, 2017, Public Diplomacy, Networks and Influence Blog.


Nicholas J. Cull, “What the U.S. Can Learn from Its Cold War Fight Against Kremlin Propaganda,” January 13, 2017, Monkey Cage, The Washington Post.

Editorial Board, “A Big Change to U.S. Broadcasting is Coming – And It’s One Putin Might Admire,” December 9, 2016, The Washington Post.

 “FY17 State Authorization Passes the Congress,” December 2016, American Foreign Service Association.

Jeffrey Gedmin, “Don’t Gut America’s Voice and Turn It Into Propaganda,” December 15, 2016, FP Blog.

Jeffrey Gedmin and Gary Schmitt, “How Trump Can Beat Putin at His Media Game,” December 13, 2016, The Washington Post.

Jeffrey Gettleman, “State Department Dissent Channel on Trump’s Ban Draws 1,000 Signatures,” January 31, 2017, The New York Times; Mark Landler and David E Sanger, “White House to Dissenting U.S. Diplomats: ‘Get With the Program or Leave,” January 30, 2017,The New York Times; “Dissent Channel: Alternatives to Closing Doors in Order to Secure Our Borders,” [Draft] Memorandum to Edward J. Lacey, Acting Director of Policy Planning, US Department of State, January 2017, The Washington Post.


Ilan Manor, “On Post-Reality Digital Diplomacy,” January 25, 2017, USC Center for Public Diplomacy, CPD Blog.

Emily Metzgar, “Settle Down: New Legislation Didn’t Create Trump TV,” January 19, 2017, USC Center for Public Diplomacy, CPD Blog.



Rob Portman, “President Signs Portman-Murphy Counter-Propaganda Bill Into Law,” December 23, 2016, Portman press release.


Gary Rawnsley, “Twitter Diplomacy: Preliminary Thoughts on the Trump-Tsai Phone Call,” December 12, 2016 Public Diplomacy and International Communications blog.

David E. Sanger, “In a Week, Trump Reshapes Decades of Perceptions About America,” January 29, 2017, The New York Times.


Jian (Jay) Wang, “Does Brand Nationality Still Matter,” January 30, 2017, USC Center for Public Diplomacy, CPD Blog.

Doug Wilson, “My Three Maddening, Futile Years Inside the Senate Confirmation Process,” January 6, 2017, The Washington Post.

R. S. Zaharna, “Trumping Traditional Public Diplomacy,” January 17, 2017, USC Center for Public Diplomacy, CPD Blog.
Gem From The Past

Amartya Sen. Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny, (W.W. Norton & Company, 2006).  In his influential Identity and Violence, Nobel Prize winning economist Amartya Sen (Harvard University) argued against responses to violent extremism grounded in illusions of single religious, national, ethnic, or other identities.  Categorizing human beings in “sharply carpentered” boxes, he reasoned, diminishes us morally and makes violent extremism more likely.  Individuals have many affiliations that include class, gender, profession, language, literature, science, music, morals, and politics.  Sen vigorously challenged Samuel Huntington's "clash of civilizations" and those who foment global conflict by stoking fear and ideological polarization.  His views on reason, human freedom, and the complexity of identity, coupled with pragmatic policy relevant strategies for diplomats and political leaders, remain highly relevant.

An archive of Diplomacy's Public Dimension: Books, Articles, Websites (2002-present) is maintained at George Washington University's Institute for Public Diplomacy and Global Communication.  Current issues are also posted by the University of Southern California's Center on Public Diplomacy, the Public Diplomacy Council, and MountainRunner.us.   

Wednesday, February 1, 2017

Nuñez: Tillerson has what it takes to guide State through needed reforms


Joseph R. Nuñez, houstonchronicle.com

Tillerson image from article
Excerpt:
Rex Tillerson will serve well as next Secretary of State. Confirmed Wednesday, the State Department needs his leadership and management experience, something he developed during his long and distinguished ExxonMobil career. Though Tillerson faces no small number of institutional and international challenges, he also arrives at a time that presents many opportunities. ...

Tillerson comes to State at a time when the world is becoming more dangerous. During Senate confirmation hearings, he wisely advocated pushing back against bad actors in the international state system who do not respect sovereignty, whether borders or civilian security. This requires skilful and timely state-to-state diplomacy, regional cooperation and international coordination.

Complicating the challenge is that non-state actors, such as radical Islamic revolutionary movements, must be better countered through new public diplomacy approaches to counter their radical appeal. This is in addition to assisting Defense with programs to train and equip allies and friends in the fight against the Islamic State, al-Qaeda and others.

Tillerson will also do well to follow through on points he made about equity and engagement. Advocating broadly for American business - energy, machinery, agriculture, technology, etc. - is a diplomatic priority shared with the Department of Commerce. Business should not be penalized when other international companies are granted grandfather clause exceptions in their deals with states that violate democratic norms. We have to stop shooting ourselves in the foot. ...
Col. (Ret.) Núñez, PhD, commanded a battalion in the 10th Mountain Division (LI) and served as a professor at the U.S. Military Academy (West Point) and Army War College. He spent five years in Iraq, most of it with the Department of State as a senior adviser.

Voice of America Celebrates 75 Years


image from
Press Release, insidevoa.com


Today the Voice of America (VOA) celebrates 75 years on the air. From its first 15-minute radio broadcast in German in 1942, VOA has grown into a multimedia international broadcast service providing programming and content in 47 languages on multiple platforms, including radio, television, and mobile.
On that first broadcast, announcer William Harlan Hale set the standard for all future VOA programs when he told his audience: "We bring you Voices from America. Today, and daily from now on, we shall speak to you about America and the war. The news may be good for us. The news may be bad. But we shall tell you the truth."
Today those words carry the weight of the VOA Charter that requires VOA, by law, to "serve as a consistently reliable and authoritative source of news." What's more, VOA news must "be accurate, objective, and comprehensive."
"It's been 75 years since we first began broadcasting objective news and information around the world," said VOA Director Amanda Bennett. "And now, I think what we do here is more important than ever."
Over the years, VOA correspondents and freelance reporters in many parts of the world have been on the scene to cover major world events. In 1989, VOA East European correspondent Jolyon Naegele reported on demonstrations in Czechoslovakia and the fall of the communist government. That same year on the other side of the world, VOA increased programming and added staff to its Beijing bureau, to cover the demonstrations in Tiananmen Square. VOA Beijing Bureau Chief Al Pessin was expelled from China for his reporting.
Today VOA broadcasters use television and radio studios at its headquarters in Washington, D.C. to broadcast news and other programming through 2,500 television and radio affiliate stations around the world. At the same time, they provide content for mobile devices and interact with their audiences through social media. In 2016, the Voice of America's weekly audience across all platforms averaged more than 236 million people worldwide. Click here for more information on Voice of America's 75 years of history and here for a short video on its history.

The Truth about CVE Messaging


Posted By Matthew Wallin on Jan 31, 2017, americansecurityproject.org

image from article

This morning, the Associated Press broke a story discussing the U.S. military’s use of fake online profiles (known as sock puppets) as a tool for countering violent extremism (CVE) online. The techniques employed in this effort amount to little more than a typo-ridden “catfishing” campaign. It is harmful to U.S. credibility, as it sows distrust and discourages persuadable potential extremists from having faith in the veracity of counter extremist messaging.
In 2015, ASP’s report on Military Public Diplomacy specifically recommended against this technique, stating:
“Deliberately misleading foreign publics about the source of information is not truthful, and holds the potential to discredit the messenger no matter the validity of the information.”
The question of how to best combat extremist propaganda and recruiting efforts online has been at the forefront of American foreign policy since the early days of the Iraqi insurgency. U.S. policy makers and practitioners are no stranger to the threat this poses to American interests. But poorly conceived and poorly executed information operations campaigns have plagued American efforts since this time. Efforts at the State Department to work on this issue have evolved multiple times, resulting in today’s Global Engagement Center.
As recent discourse has shown, we live in a time when it’s not entirely clear that the “truth is the best propaganda,” as Edward R Murrow once said. Russia’s apparent success in spreading disinformation through traditional and social media outlets has demonstrated how pervasive false messaging can be. But because Russia does this, and has shown significant success in terms of volume and audience reach, it does not mean that the United States of America should stoop to these levels. The message of America should be better and more principled than the message of Russia.
Certainly, there are times when revealing the truth would be detrimental to national security, especially when it comes to legitimately classified information. Lives, interests, and resources could be at stake which justifies certain levels of untruthfulness in order to protect those assets.
However, American commitment to the truth should be a principle this country stands for. When the United States communicates abroad in an effort to convince foreign publics that it is right in its policies and actions, it should not sew doubt in their minds that America is standing on a bedrock of truth.
When it comes to addressing those who may be “fence-sitters” on extremism, building a trust-based relationship is incredibly important. It is for this reason that family members and peers—sympathetic individuals who care about that person—are the best messengers. The United States is simply not a credible messenger in trying to convince potential extremists that terror attacks against the country are unjustified or shouldn’t be undertaken. The US must focus on enabling those credible messengers to spread their own message, while avoiding actions that may taint them as American puppets.
It is easy to lie. It is easy to pretend you are someone you are not on the internet. But that doesn’t mean its effective or right. The U.S. Government should be above this. Arguing against the extremist narrative is a worthy cause, but you don’t do it successfully by pretending you’re someone else. You do it by having an inarguably better narrative.

Here Are The Hacks In Charge Of Broadcasting Trump's Propaganda Internationally


Here Are The Hacks In Charge Of Broadcasting Trump's Propaganda Internationally

Trump Appointed Two Campaign Aides To Oversee The Transition Of The Broadcasting Board Of Governors

Matt Gertz, mediamatters.org

The work of the U.S. government’s largest public diplomacy program is currently being reviewed by two of President Donald Trump’s former campaign aides. It would be difficult for the administration to have found less qualified candidates for the job.
The Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG), whose mission is to “inform, engage, and connect people around the world in support of freedom and democracy,” oversees a global network of broadcasters. Through Voice of America, a government-run news agency that provides the world with news about the United States and its policies, and nonprofit grantees like Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, which works to inform foreign populations that lack a free press about the news in their own nations, BBG reaches an audience of 278 million people in 100 countries and 61 languages.
This is a critical moment for U.S. public diplomacy. Russia is fighting an information war in Europe and across the world in order to produce electoral victories for favored political parties and candidates. China continues to expand its economic influence in Asia and Africa. The Islamic State group uses a vast social media apparatus to recruit new adherents to violent extremism. U.S. efforts to counter those challenges depend in part on ensuring that accurate, meaningful information is conveyed to foreign communities.
As the new administration takes over that vast apparatus, it has deputized Matthew Ciepielowski and Matthew Schuck “to the CEO suite at the BBG where they will work with senior management” to oversee the transition, Politico reported. "As is routine for many federal agencies during any presidential transition, yesterday we welcomed the two-person landing team from the Trump administration," BBG CEO John F. Lansing said in a statement to the publication. "We look forward to working with them as we continue to fulfill our mission, and support the independence of our journalists around the world."
Lansing joined the BBG in 2015 following nine years as president of Scripps Networks, where he oversaw a $2.5 billion portfolio of six cable television networks and a digital division. Before that, he managed 10 television stations. He also had experience running a marketing association composed of 90 U.S. and Canadian television programmers. He got his start as a field producer in broadcast television and worked his way through newsrooms in that industry.  
In short, Lansing has decades of experience managing media bureaucracies, working with foreign journalism outlets, and working as a reporter himself.
Trump has sent two hacks with little to no experience in journalism and none at all in public diplomacy or international relations to review Lansing’s work.

Matt Ciepielowski: The Ineffectual Political Operative

Ciepielowski is a 2011 graduate of Quinnipiac University, where he majored in political science and public relations, according to his LinkedIn profile. He was news editor and senior managing editor for the Quinnipiac Chronicle; the school paper’s archive shows his byline on 11 news stories or opinion pieces between September 2010 and March 2011. He once interned with the marketing firm Silver Lake Productions. That is the sum total of what could, under the most charitable circumstances, be described as his journalism background.
In an unusual twist for someone now helping to oversee a massive U.S. public diplomacy effort, Ciepielowski titled one of his college opinion pieces “Truth doesn’t kill people, our government does.” In that essay, Ciepielowski praises Wikileaks for releasing U.S. diplomatic cables, disparages Julian Assange’s arrest on Swedish rape charges, and states that the U.S. military “has killed thousands upon thousands of innocent civilians” in Afghanistan.
After graduation, Ciepielowski spent three and a half years as a field organizer, first for former Rep. Ron Paul’s (R-TX) presidential campaign in Louisiana and then for the Koch brothers’ organization Americans for Prosperity in New Hampshire. In March 2015, he became one of the first hires to Trump’s presidential campaign when he was named New Hampshire state director. Corey Lewandowski’s hiring was announced the same day.
Ciepielowski does not appear to have been very good at his job. During the New Hampshire primary, a more veteran operative was moved into the state due to reported fears that Ciepielowski was “in over his head.”
Trump won the primary and Ciepielowski remained in the role, but he still didn’t seem to make much of an impact. In August, he was the subject of a Politico article detailing how “Veteran Republican operatives and key leaders from several critical battleground states say that at best, they've never heard of Trump's state directors or have only limited familiarity with them — and at worst, they know them, and question their ability to do the job.”
Ciepielowski was also a central figure in a Trump campaign finance scandal. In July, experts highlighted “red flags” in Trump’s Federal Election Commission filings, including a potentially illegal pattern of “what appeared to be double reimbursements” for the same employee expenses, according to CNBC. Ciepielowski “received the most money, bringing in $7,199 — all tax free,” according to the channel.
The Trump campaign paid Ciepielowski nearly $200,000 for his work, federal filings show.
It’s unclear whether Ciepielowski’s radical theories about the correct size of government allow room for public diplomacy. During a 2014 appearance on the libertarian Rebel Love Show, Ciepielowski was asked, “Are you participating [in politics] because you want to do whatever you can and take it down from within?” He replied, “It doesn’t even necessarily have to be take it down -- I want to do whatever I can to lessen the boot of the state on people’s throats as we go along.” Asked, “If you could get rid of that boot, would you?” he responded, “Once we get the government down to 20 percent, 10 percent, 5 percent of the size it is now, then I would be more ready to have that conversation.”

Matt Schuck: The Right-Wing Media Hack

After graduating in 2012 from Montgomery College, where he studied broadcast radio and mass communications, Schuck rotated between jobs in the right-wing media and conservative and corporate public relations gigs before becoming Trump’s Wisconsin communications director in August.
Schuck got his start in radio, helping launch the Heritage Foundation’s show and working as an executive producer for the Virginia-based right-wing radio host John Fredericks. He has flacked for the Koch-funded Conservative Veterans for America and for the Online Lenders Alliance, the trade organization for the disreputable payday-lending industry.
Between PR jobs, Schuck spent 18 months working for second-tier conservative media outlets.
First he was a staff writer at Jason Mattera’s Daily Surge. Mattera was once a conservative wunderkind, becoming the editor of the venerable right-wing magazine Human Events in 2010, at age 26. He was terminated two years later, soon after accidentally conducting an ambush interview of a Bono impersonator (he thought he was actually ambushing Bono).
At Daily Surge, Schuck produced garden-variety right-wing clickbait and aggregation, along with a hefty helping of culture war outrage. It wasn’t much, but it was enough to get him a job as a political correspondent at One America News Network (OANN), the then-two-year-old conservative cable news network which has positioned itself as a more conservative competitor to Fox News.
At OANN, Schuck conducted softball interviews with a wide variety of Republican and conservative leaders, including Kentucky Sen. Rand Paul, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker, Citizens United’s David Bossie, and American Conservative Union’s Matt Schlapp.
One such interview stands out. In September 2015, Trump announced that he had decided to boycott Fox News for “treating me very unfairly.” Fox responded by saying that Trump’s tweet came after the network had canceled a scheduled interview with him because of his “personal attacks on our anchors and hosts.”
While Fox tried to patch things up, Trump did an interview with Schuck instead. Schuck introduced the segment by stating that Trump had just appeared before “a room packed full of supporters” to discuss, among other topics, “why Donald Trump will make America great again.” In the interview, Schuck offered Trump an open forum to discuss his grievances with Fox and repeat talking points. He also interviewed a Trump supporter. Schuck closed the segment by declaring that “one thing is clear: Donald Trump is in it to win it.”

Trump apparently enjoyed the interview:

A few weeks later, Schuck highlighted Trump’s praise of OANN:

Schuck left OANN the next month to become communications director for the Online Lenders Alliance. In August 2016, he joined the Trump campaign. And now he’s helping to lay the groundwork for our international public diplomacy efforts.

Promoting American Values and Countering Authoritarianism in Cyberspace


aei.org


Key Points
  • Authoritarian regimes are proving increasingly adept at fragmenting and controlling the internet for purposes of censorship, surveillance, and internal and external propaganda and misinformation. The US has failed to counter this with an effective national security strategy that gives US public diplomacy the capabilities and missions needed for success in the information war.
  • Instead of focusing on producing original content, US public diplomacy and international broadcasting should embrace a 21st-century, multimedia, public broadcasting model to promote American values and truthful information in cyberspace.
  • The US should also strengthen and use existing tools of US diplomacy to advance freedom online as a universal (and universally accessible) human right, such as the multistakeholder internet governance forums, the Freedom Online Coalition, the National Endowment for Democracy, and State Department reports on internet freedom.

Introduction

After a decade in which the explosive growth of the internet brought greater freedom, knowledge, community, and opportunity to billions of people worldwide, the pendulum is swinging back. Authoritarian regimes have learned to use the internet as an instrument of control at home and for propaganda—and political disruption—abroad. Such regimes are reshaping the norms of the internet in ways detrimental to US interests and values.

Meanwhile, the US has failed to respond effectively. The outgoing administration leaves behind little coherent strategy for advancing American values and interests in cyberspace. America’s public-diplomacy architecture occupies no strategically significant role in pursuing US policy objectives and is not integrated into strategic policymaking at the highest level, as it should be.

Public diplomacy is a potentially powerful weapon in America’s foreign and security policy arsenal, but as currently conceived and configured, it is largely dismissed by strategists and ignored by practitioners. This is because its various operational capabilities are hobbled by conflicting missions that lack strategic coordination, duplicate often unnecessary functions, share few assets that could produce multiplier effects, are hostage to processes and concepts whose intrinsic value to the design and implementation of US policy is questionable, and adapt reluctantly to a rapidly changing global marketplace of information and communications technology (ICT).

This proposal puts forward a strategy and specific steps to address those shortcomings. The strategy focuses on the program with by far the most public-diplomacy funding, even though it is outside the national security chain of command—US international broadcasting.

America’s strategy for winning the information war must focus on disseminating truthful information about America and American foreign policy, as well as about repressive regimes and repressed societies. The US should repurpose, refocus, and reorganize its public-diplomacy and international broadcasting capabilities away from producing original content as a journalistic and public relations exercise and toward a 21st-century, multimedia, public broadcasting programming model, focused on promoting truthful information and American values around the world.
Credit: Twenty20
Credit: Twenty20
In December 2016, as part of the 2017 National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2017 (NDAA), President Obama signed into law a sweeping reorganization of US international broadcasting capabilities.1 Section 1288 of the 2017 NDAA transfers the Broadcasting Board of Governors’ (BBG) powers to a new CEO and its members to a new International Broadcasting Advisory Board. The legislation gives the new CEO sweeping powers to reorganize US international broadcasting, including by consolidating existing BBG networks and grantees into a single consolidated nonprofit network. It also provides a streamlined mission for the consolidated network. This legislation paves the way for badly needed reforms, including the reforms proposed in this report.

Another significant provision of the 2017 NDAA (Section 1287) provides for the secretary of state and secretary of defense to create an interagency, international Global Engagement Center (GEC) to “discover, expose and counter foreign government information warfare efforts (to include foreign propaganda and disinformation efforts) and proactively advance fact-based narratives that support US allies and interests.”2 Creating an information-sharing and coordination center is a valuable step toward enhancing the US government’s (USG) ability to challenge authoritarian regimes that are increasingly dominant in strategic information.

Online freedom is a universal human right. It is the right of people everywhere to speak and associate online and to have access to the information of their choice.3 As the UN Human Rights Council affirmed in 2012, “the same rights that people have offline must also be protected online, in particular freedom of expression, which is applicable regardless of frontiers and through any media of one’s choice, in accordance with articles 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.”4

Realizing these rights requires access to a free and open internet—free of censorship and open to the participation of people everywhere without fear of being punished for engaging in legitimate political speech. Regrettably, authoritarian states are effectively using the internet as a tool of propaganda and control, including attempting to shape US political dialogue through strategic hacking and information release.

The US has proved poorly prepared to face these challenges. Facing them adequately will require bold and innovative reforms. The 2017 NDAA paves the way for badly needed reforms.


Notes
  1. National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2017, Pub. L. No. 114-328 (2016).
  2. Joint Explanatory Statement of the Committee of Conference, HRPT-S2943, 114th Cong., November 2016, http://docs.house. gov/billsthisweek/20161128/CRPT-114HRPT-S2943-JES.pdf.
  3. Online freedom has been widely acknowledged as a fundamental human right in, for example, the 2011 Deauville Declaration of the G8, a 2011 communiqué of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development on “Principles for Internet Policy-Making,” and a 2012 resolution of the UN Human Rights Council, which confirmed that online freedom is part of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
  4. Wendy Zeldin, “Global Legal Monitor,” Library of Congress, July 12, 2012, http://www.loc.gov/law/foreign-news/article/u-n-human-rights-council-first-resolution-on-internet-free-speech/.