From: WAR AND THE SOCIAL EDUCATIONAL AGENCIES (1935) by S. Herman (scroll down link for item). [JB note: My article, "Janus-Faced Public Diplomacy: Creel and Lippmann during the Great War" will appear in what I hope the not too-distant future; I missed the below while doing research for the article. Please note the relevance of the below piece to what in the previous century were, but not yet known as, the "new" social media.]
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The press, more than any other agency, was responsible for the state of mind of the American people, which allowed this country to enter the world war. Hearst and Pulitzer did their share in hypnotizing the nation into the Spanish-American war. The direct influence of the press is exerted by its articles and commentaries. Its pictures and its photographs, while its indirect, but just as important, influence is due to its choice of news items. A suggestion was once made, with the Spanish-American War in mind, that the press mobilized for peace by the calling of a convention of American publishers. The newspapers almost completely ignored this. While it is true that a mobilized press would have been a most potent force for peace, the one, who made the suggestion forgot that the press was in the hands of such worthy gentlemen as Hearst, Pulitzer, the Scripps-Howard combination, Ried, Ochs, McCormick McLean et al. He also forgot that they were merely the mouthpiece of the ruling class, which must have war to remain in power.
After the Democratic Party in 1916 had re-elected its candidates on the slogan "He kept us out of war", it could no longer withstand the terrific pressure that had been exerted in increased measure since the Lusitania was sunk. The propaganda of the Entente had flooded the country and the Germans were unable to cope with it. It has been found by experience that the success of political propaganda on public thinking depends on the manner in which appeals are made in the "sense of justice" to the instincts of self-preservation and sex, to nationalism and to religious feelings. The specific reason for America's declaring war was Germany's resumption of unlimited submarine warfare. This was construed as against the American "sense of justice". It also was played up by the press as plain murder while the food blockade, which England had affected against Germany was relatively speaking played down by the press. Furthermore, stress was placed on the "atrocities" in Belgium and Armania including stories of rape and wholesale breast amputations. The pro-Entente churchmen assured their flocks that the Kaiser was in league with the Devil, if he was not the Devil incarnate, and that if something was not done by America very promptly, then this country would become a German province. So we see that they overlooked no possible ground for arousing the feelings of the Americans against the Germans. This also shows the tremendous power of the press when once Wilson gave it the signal after he was re-elected in November, 1916. In a few months the American public permitted the war fever which it had resisted until then to carry it away.
Immediately after the declaration of war in April, 1917, Wilson set up his Committee on Public Information consisting of George Creel, Chairman, the Secretary of State, the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy. This committee issued 75,000,000 copies of an assortment of propaganda items to encourage the public "morale". It hired 75,000 speakers, assembled 1400 provocative drawings, some by the leading artists, issued a daily publication to the press and other such agencies and also furnished twice a month, a periodical known as the "National School Service" to each of the 600,000 public school teachers in the country. It enlisted the aid of 3,000 college professors of history to prepare pamphlet matter; and in addition to these worthies, practically every writer and artist of prominence and every advertising expert was drafted into service. Besides, the Committee lined up every film company and every minister. After the war was over, George Creel, the Chairman, summed it all up in his book, "How we Advertised America", a few quotations from which are now in order.
The foreword to the book was written by Newton D. Baker, Secretary of War, and it is very obvious that the latter was a fine pupil of his phrase-mongering Chief Executive. He says, "The whole business of mobilizing the mind of the world so far as American participation in the war was concerned, was in a sense the work of the Committee on Public Information. We had an alternative to face when we went into the war. The instant reaction of habit and tradition was to establish strict censorship, to allow to ooze out just such information as a few select persons might deem to be helpful, and to suppress all the things, which these persons deemed hurtful. This would have been the traditional thing to do. I think it was Mr. Creel's idea, and it was certainly a great contribution to the mobilization of the mental force of America, to have, in lieu of a Committee on Censorship, a Committee on Public Information for the production and dissemination as widely as possible of the truth about America's participation in the war."
George Creel, when the censorship bill was defeated in Congress, largely through the agitation of Hearst, called in all the members of the American Publishers' Association and asked them voluntarily to cooperate with the government. He did not send a censor into each office to delete here and there. He did all his deleting in Washington under the pretext of digging up and publishing all the truth. In this way the classic American tradition, in sharp contrast to the European, of freedom of speech and real democracy was ostensibly maintained. But it should be emphasized that it was no fault of Wilson's or Creel's that an openly acknowledged censorship as censorship was not established in place of a Committee on Public Information. The classic American tradition of Liberalism would have then been blown to the winds in name as well as in fact.
In his book, Creel harps on the principle of incessant repetition until the public believes and says, at page 4, "...in all things, from first to last, without halt or change, it was a plain publicity proposition, a vast enterprise in salesmanship, the world's greatest adventure in advertising." He goes on, "There was no part of the great war machinery that we did not touch, no medium of appeal that we did not employ, the printed word, the spoken word, the motion pictures, the telegraph, the cable, the wireless, the poster, etc...All that was fine and ardent in the civilian population came at our call until more than 150,000 men and women were devoting highly specialized abilities to the work of the Committee." He boasted that, "In no other belligerent nation was there any such degree of centralization as marked our duties." It was all very nice indeed. There was just one central office. This saved the newspapermen the trouble of running around to each department. One visit to Creel and all the news was there for the asking. Nothing was withheld. There was no selection of news except for military secrets, says Creel. He wanted (page 100) "to reach the people through their mind, rather than through their emotions, for hate has its undesirable reactions." The average citizen took "Creel's daily diet" with his morning paper at breakfast; he met Creel again when his children came home from school with material furnished to their teacher by Creel; again through the Four Minute men and later in the movies. Creel insists that while "news likely to cause anxiety or distress" and "reports concerning the outbreak of epidemics in training camps" were suppressed in other countries, nothing was suppressed by him here in America. And why was Mr. Creel so determined to be perfectly frank? Because, he says, "Nothing was more important than that there should be the least possible impairment of the people's confidence in the printed information presented to them." ...
At this point the temptation cannot be resisted to mention the fact that only last Fall in California, Upton Sinclair, the author of the "Brass Check", in which there is exposed the putrid corruption of the American press, made friendly overtures to this very arch-censor and falsifier George Creel, whom Sinclair had defeated in the Democratic primaries for governor. Creel immediately announced that he would support the whole Democratic ticket, including Sinclair, but a short time before election he joined the bandwagon against the Reds. It certainly is an irony of history that Sinclair should have had any truck with Creel at all. Both of these demagogues are worthy of the workers' emphatic scorn.
Coming back to the war again, it should be pointed out that the slogans were very simple. In the series of "Loyalty Leaflets" issued by Creel, it was said that "the one question now is aristocracy versus democracy. Nothing else matters for the moment." "Nothing matters, but the winning of the war." The same idea was expressed with great positiveness as follows: "Republican? Democrat? Prohibitionist? or Socialist? Mere unmeaning names just now. Even American is too small for the world emergency except as it is a synonym for liberty and democracy." Newton D. Baker issued this statement to the editors of trade publications: "Every conflict we have among ourselves, every dissent which we allow to be pressed beyond the point of that expression of opinion...delays the achievement of the war...People are going to be forced out of habits -- all of the people. Preach to your readers, whose modes of thought you control the necessity of the sacrifice of habit for the war."
Creel's technique was quite good. His staff issued three series of leaflets, each consisting of about six to eight pages. The titles themselves are very effective. Here are some of them: "Friendly words to the foreign-born", "The Prussian system", "Plain issues of the war", "Ways to serve the nation", "What really matters", "How the war came to America", "Battle line of Democracy", "German treatment of conquered territory", "German war practices", "War of self-defense", "American and Allied ideals", "Why America fights Germany."
No direct censorship was imposed on the foreign language or even the German or enemy language press. Needless to say they were kept under strict watch nevertheless. Creel was very careful, when issuing the leaflets in foreign languages, not to offend the susceptibilities of the great number of foreign born and particularly the numerous people of German descent whose support was needed to win the war. To them the appeal was not that the Germans had to be defeated, but that humanity, all humanity and not merely the allies was at stake and that it was for the good of the German people themselves that the Kaiser be defeated.
Creel used to boast that all important utterances of the American officials would be set in type within twenty-four hours in any part of Europe or South America. He did not have the radio available then for popular reception. But he had offices in every capital in the world outside of the Central Powers. There was a coordination which even Goebbels and Hitler would not be ashamed of. With the invention of the teletype machine, Mr. Creel's successor can very easily have some one type out the statements to be issued to the press every day. No longer will it be required to have all sorts of intermediary operations of labor. As the material is typed, so is it read in the various newspaper offices in the whole country. This advance in technique will save a lot of headaches and stop orders on items which should not have gone out.
The following is a very specific illustration of the manner in which the public mind was poisoned during the war. The high pressure genius is Edward Harding in a brochure called, "Fighting Germany with Printer's Ink." -- "Implant the conviction in the minds of the people that the war MUST be won." The people must understand and know "(a) The things we have to fear from the Germans; (b) The sacrifices each of us must make so that our lives and our country may be safe; and (c) The need of a courageous morale." If knowledge and conviction of the foregoing facts are instilled, then the people will (1) produce more; (2) save food and fuel; (3) buy Liberty bonds; and (4) support the soldiers and do everything required of them.
Printed matter has form and substance. In connection with form, printed matter must (1) attract attention; (2) get itself read; (3) get itself understood. As to substance it must (1) express ideas for a 14 year old mind; (2) be clearly expressed and (3) appeal to emotions. Headlines and pictures are most important of all. The kind of type, the use of space, the length of the line, the methods of obtaining emphasis are all pointed out. Then comes a very definite example: "No mere print could ever have the same supreme attention and memory value as the famous cartoon of the German airplane with the figure of Death dropping a bomb with the saying, 'This one for the babies'. An illustration will almost invariably 'attract attention'. A drawing that goes to the point will make a stronger appeal than hundreds of words, no matter how strongly written or cleverly printed."
The cartoons must not only be pro-ally but pro-humanity. He points out that Raemakers made a set of 60 drawings from historic documents showing how Germany during the past 40 years prepared for war. Two million books containing these drawings were put into the soldiers' hands by the French Government. The appeal is made to a 14 year old mind for the following reasons: Less than 5% of the population go through high school. Of three newspapers one is planned for a 12 year old mind, one for a 14 year old mind and one for a 17 year old mind. The first has the largest and the last the smallest circulation.
Here is another lesson in technique: "Tell a man that Germany has violated every principle laid down in international law, is an outlaw, etc., and he will do no more than agree with you and disapprove of Germany. Inform him that under the orders of German officers German soldiers in Europe have poisoned drinking wells, bombed Red Cross hospitals, raped women, mutilated and murdered children and old men, crucified nuns, babies and soldiers, married young girls into slavery in the trenches, and that unless Germany is beaten all these atrocities will be visited on our loved ones in this country -- your red-blooded hearers can hardly wait to take up arms."
Then our author submits a "Guidance chart for the presentation of patriotic material". The following is a classification of the "manner" of presentation: "Lively versus dignified; humorous versus grave; colloquial versus classic; low brow (understood by 14 year old mind) versus high brow." The "matter" to be presented depends on the emotion which will give the strongest response. Again he sets forth four sets of contrasts: "1. Appeal to sympathy (e.g. our natural impulse to help our injured soldiers - Red Cross) versus appeal to aversion (e.g. natural aversion to a nation which regards it's word as worthless). 2. Love inspiring (e.g. bravery and self-sacrifice of France) versus abhorrence inspiring (e.g. for the Germans for what they have done in Belgium.) 3. Forgiving (e.g. appeal to forgive Russia for her defection from her allies because leaders betrayed her) versus avenging (e.g. appeal to avenge the Lusitania victims). 4. Courage inspiring (e.g. appeal to do brave deeds with the example of the war heroes.) versus fear inspiring (e.g. self-preservations-fear of invasion of our country.) In addition appeal to patriotism, pride and self-respect and desire to protect loved ones."
And now comes the best of all. A concrete example, yes, very concrete, "How to get coal miners to work on Sundays." At the top we have a picture of soldiers and a picture of miners. Under the soldiers, we have "Soldiers work seven days a week." Under the miners, "So must you." and here is the sure-fire high pressure: "TO YOU - MINERS OF HAZELTON! WE MUST WIN THE WAR!
There is not enough coal coming to the top. You can bring out enough more to turn the scale. If you work Sundays to mine more coal, more shot and shell can be made and sent to France. If you don't, more soldiers will lose their lives. The boys in the trenches are fighting seven days a week. To do your share you must mine coal seven days a week.
What if Germany should win the war? Germany has won in some countries. Shall these things happen here?
In BELGIUM - hands cut off little children, young girls sent into Germany to work as slaves.
In POLAND - some of you come from there, there are no children left; all murdered, starved or frozen.
In AMERICA - if the German army comes, our loved ones will get the same treatment.
Every lump of coal YOU drill and blast and pick and load may save a human life; the life may be the life of your son in France, or your wife or daughter at home."
The author, with an air of self-sufficient satisfaction, proudly calls the foregoing masterpiece "colloquial, low-brow, and appealing to pride and fear". Now it is a certainty that this sort of thing will be with us when war comes, and perhaps in a more effective way. The program of action for this problem will be taken up in an article later on in this series. But, in any event, it is considered very important to forewarn the unwary reader about what will come so that he may view it properly with the benefit of a well-reasoned judgement exercised before the hysteria is upon us." ...
The influence of the movies cannot be overestimated. Every person in the audience has paid his admission fee and for that reason gives his attention and willingly. What he sees for his good hard-earned money sinks into his mind. At this point a comparison should be made between the effectiveness of the movies and of the stage as weapons for the development of popular enthusiasm. The theater-going public usually chooses its plays with a certain degree of discrimination. The movie going public, which certainly overlaps the theater-going public to some extent in the large cities, generally sees a picture every week or so as a matter of regular habit, regardless of what the picture is. A single picture can be exhibited throughout the many thousands of movie houses in the country at the same time. The cost of producing multiple copies of the films is relatively insignificant. The energy that is required to produce a film in Hollywood need not be re-expended in order to exhibit the film in New York or Timbuctoo. To produce throughout the land or the world a play or spectacle in which the personal appearance of actors is necessary would involve a vast army of skilled performers present everywhere. No more need be said about this angle of the comparison between the films and the stage. However, this should be said for the stage. The real, live, flesh and blood actor can create an atmosphere far more intense than the screen can. But theater audiences are necessarily far smaller than movie audiences. This much can be said for both the theater and the movie, namely, that there is a large mass gathering in which any enthusiasm that is developed will spread by contagion.
With the movies, just as with the press, preventing an idea from reaching the public is just as effective as the introduction of a positive thought. The emphasis in newsreels and newspapers on sports and fashions and the absence especially in the film of news relating to labor troubles are matters of common knowledge. The writer remembers seeing a newsreel in which there was shown a squad of deputy sheriffs attacking a small group of peaceful pickets outside of a plant in a Pennsylvania milltown. Even an essentially bourgeois audience at a large Broadway theater hissed and booed along with the radically minded, who must have started the hissing. At the end of the particular episode a Polish worker with his head bandaged, spoke into the newsreel microphone to explain that he was making seven dollars per week and that he went on the picket line because he had twelve children to support and because his wife was out of work. The average New York movie audience usually laughs at the thought of twelve children in one family, but there was loud and almost unanimous applause for the worker in question. But these instances are rare and come only because of the slips that will occur when the tempo of distribution is so fast, as it necessarily has to be in modern times. An even better example of prevention was the action of the French government concerning the pictures of the fascistic adventure in Paris, February, 1934. Trouble had been brewing over Chiappe's removal from the Prefecture of the Seine and there were plenty of street demonstrations by the Croix de Feu and the Action Francaise. On the night of February 6th, the cameramen were present around the Concorde Bridge in large numbers. The police and troops, in accordance with their instructions, smashed everything in sight, but one enterprising camera man was able to rush his films to a plane, which took them to London. Needless to say, the censorship was tightly clamped down in France. There was about to be a showing in London and there was also the certainty that in a short space of time the whole world would be able to see just what had happened. Following orders of his government, the French ambassador in London called the film company on the telephone and politely informed him that all pictures produced by that company would be barred in France if the film was not surrendered. That picture was never shown. The technique of attack and of mass demonstration that had been prepared by the French war veterans in Paris was something the government did not want anyone to learn. Furthermore, it would have been a bad idea to allow the general public to witness the beating up and shooting of police and troops by civilians.
It is clear that it is solely for the purpose of building up a war psychology that we now have thrust upon us such a steady stream of war pictures which are too numerous to mention. Several years ago, a study was made of the effect of such pictures on 500 Parisian students ranging from 7 to 19 years of age, just the ones who would most likely be among the first to be called for the next war. (Mercure de France, June 16, 1930). The boys did not know that they would be asked questions about the picture when it was over. To them it was supposed to be a mere lark in order that no one would give an unnatural response. The following facts were noted: First of all, everyone was keenly interested in the whole film. There were cheers for the war heroes, Foch, Petain, and Clemenceau. There was silence during the gruesome scenes. To most of them came the realization, for the first time, how horrible war can be, but it was only to a small portion of the audience that the pomp and glory of the war were wiped out. Those under ten years laughed at the wreckage in the small houses struck by bombs, but those over twelve to thirteen appreciated the loss of some one's home. The feeling of horror among the students, who approximate our college freshmen was accompanied by a feeling of vicarious heroism, the identifying of the observer with the particular soldier who was facing danger with courage. A few of these remarked that they had become hardened in so far as they could no longer worry or complain about hurts and scratches when they thought of the soldier's sufferings.
The most significant thing of all was that the feeling of horror produced by the film was directed against the enemy and not against war itself. Young boys of seven to nine were even more bellicose and nationalistic after the picture was over. Some remarked that the whole business seemed to have no purpose and to be just stupid. However, the typical opinion was that while war is horrible, they were not afraid to die for their country. War, that is, when just, is often necessary. If all Frenchmen in 1914 were anti-militaristic, France would have become a German province. The dead heroes had saved the French spirit and Christianity.
It is obvious that although a war picture arouses disgust and repulsion, it nevertheless produces more lively reactions than any peace topic. War is exciting. Peace is not, even to those who sincerely believe in it. Peace has not heroes, such as war has and those of peace time cannot compare with warriors. This ideology has been deeply rooted into the minds of the average person. The ruling class knows this very well and nurtures the minds of the young along these lines. The present war pictures emphasize the bravery element in the midst of the scenes of suffering. It is also stressed that individual needs must be completely ignored for the general welfare. The spirit of obedience is insidiously inculcated.
During the last war the leading films were called "Pershing's Crusaders", "America's Armies", "Under Four Flags", "Official War Review", "Our Bridge of Ships", "Our Colored Fighters" and others of similar character. 200,000 stereoptician slides were also prepared with many thousands of copies of each and shown in all available spots throughout the country. A large number of subjects were also treated in short pictures which showed the army, navy and marines in training maneuvers, the activities of the various branches such as the medical corps, fire and gas division, aviation, engineers, West Point and Annapolis cadets, and so on. Others showed the cooperation of the labor unions in the shipyards and in the plants manufacturing war equipment.
How much more efficiently will the movies keep the war in the public eye and mind during the coming war is easy to guess. Now we have talking pictures, which were unheard of during the last war. It will no longer be necessary for so many speakers of the Four Minute variety to be sent to movie houses to exhort the public to buy Liberty Bonds or War Savings Stamps. The sales talks will be delivered from the screen and when the short picture ends, the collection can be taken up. Of course the speakers will be necessary in the theaters, but even this may be rationalized so that screens may be installed for these purposes.
Then again the technique of the motion picture industry has improved so greatly in the last 20 years and the number of houses exhibiting pictures has increased to such an extent that the achievement of the last war will be very much dwarfed by what will come. The face and voice of the leaders of the country will be a matter of familiarity to all, the messages will be driven home with endless repetition and emphasis. In places without movie houses sound trucks will flash the films on the sides of buildings or improvised screens. Personal appeals from army leaders and even rank and file men will not be merely flashed upon the screen as written messages. The personality of the one sending the message will be effectively portrayed with the greatest dramatic effect. Another important function of the sound file that it can take over from the theater is the popularizing of the war songs which will be written. Nowadays the song bits are put over in connection with a well-produced picture. Most pictures have some music in them and it can be safely said that the patriotic songs will be part of the routine of every movie show and the presence of live singers will not be required. In this way the mass enthusiasm and hysteria can be worked up most effectively by having everyone join in. It is easier to stir a crowd to sing when some musical agency, such as an orchestra or instrument is at hand. So much more easily will the fervor be aroused when some popular singer of great merit or beauty or both will appear on the screen and begin to lead the singing.
Mention might also be made that the films will also portray within the limits compelled by sex considerations, certain of the milder atrocities alleged to be practiced by the enemy. As shown by the emphasis with which sex has been purveyed in the cinema of late years, there should be no doubt that great leeway will be allowed by the war censor, when it comes to showing what a terrible brute the current enemy will be.
The movie as well as the radio will also be put to a widespread use in the schools and colleges. And at this point let us turn to the radio.
IV -- THE RADIO
In the last war radio was in its infancy. With the television not yet a common phenomenon, though about to be introduced in England soon, it might be said that radio is still in its youth anyway no longer in its infancy. With this medium of communication, the propagandist can reach his listeners by invading their homes. Of course a turn of the knob can shut him off. But even the most recalcitrant listener will be unable to avoid him altogether even in the privacy of his home, for it cannot be doubted for a moment that the patriotic programs will be on the air most of the day and night, and with them, of course, will come the songs for every one to sing when a large number of people assemble.
The radio will also become a powerful offensive weapon with which to invade the enemy's territory. Programs will be broadcast by short wave lengths over great distances, if necessary, to the people of the enemy country, explaining to them that they should overthrow or repudiate their leaders, who will be called enemies of all humanity including the persons listening to the broadcast. They will be told that their nation cannot possibly win the war because they are inferior in military force and because God is against them. A number of years ago, the air in Europe was congested with broadcasts of Germany and France, and Germany and Russia, which sought to drown out each other. An important part of the technique of this sort of thing is to get started before the enemy drowns you out. In that way a piece of news, devastating in its effect, but which hitherto had been withheld, might turn the tide of public opinion in a given country ripe for such a turn. In the early part of the Russian Revolution, many of the troops at the front had not even the slightest notion of what was going on back home. Of course, leaflets were being distributed but such a method is primitive compared with the radio. The chief difference would be the speed with which the radio message could reach the front line, namely immediately. It is true that the telephone would serve this purpose with the same speed, but in that case the mere clipping of some wires would shut off communication. The air cannot be clipped off and if the word of a revolution back home once reached the front, it would spread like wild fire. There is no question, but that the army command will not place receiving sets at the disposal of the troops, but radios to some extent will have to be distributed behind the lines for the purpose of entertaining the soldiers and keeping up their morale. If a radio station back home is once seized and in the middle of a program the announcement is made that the regime is being overthrown, one can just picture the effect of this on the army. And if this is true in the case of the army it is equally so in the case of the navy.
In the schools and colleges radio addresses will become more and more frequent. It is entirely possible that by the time the next war breaks out, the use of television will assist in the militarizing of the youth of the nation. If the technique of television is sufficiently improved the talking picture will be surpassed in the effectiveness of delivering an appeal dramatically. Of course this is true for programs, which will be broadcast generally and not merely for the schools and colleges. But the result will be that a person in his home will be reached just as though we were sitting in a theater, a meeting hall or a church, though of course, the element of spreading fervor by mass contagion will be absent.
But, to be sure, the radio need not be in anyone's home. A speaker can be set up anywhere, in the street, upon the roof of a building, on a truck or anywhere else. In the small villages they will most likely be set up right in the center of the community, in the town hall or church. The war message will be delivered immediately throughout the land and even the world. So far the discussion has concerned the transmission of radio messages from the studios of the central agency directing the war. However, we can turn this about and readily image a situation where things have happened at the front, such as the revolt of bodies of troops. If these troops could convey that news to the folks at home, the result might very well be a revolution at home. Of course one can depend on the enemy to flood the air with all sorts of stories invented for the occasion in order to mislead both the troops and the home population of the opposing side. This will also bring endless confusion.
Undoubtedly the government agencies, particularly in the war departments, have foreseen these possibilities and have sought to perfect methods of blocking out any broadcast that came from the enemy. The vigilance which will be required will be greater because of these possibilities than ever before. Assuming that the crew of a battleship decides to revolt, they seize the radio sending set and immediately inform the people at home of what has happened. That message can be transmitted in a few seconds. Whether the government's blocking apparatus can be brought into play so quickly as to prevent this news from reaching the intended listener is not at all certain. The writer knows of no invention which can filter and censor all incoming radio messages. Perhaps they exist. If they do, a marvelous agency of censorship is available. But if not, the ruling class will be hard put to prevent the receipt of such news as may have a crippling effect.
V -- THE SCHOOLS, COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES
We must bear in mind that of all the social-educational agencies, which have been discussed so far will be used in connection with the schools, universities and colleges. During peace time the children in the schools are taught the necessity for an adequate army and navy, national guard and reserve force to meet aggression from without and to resist foolish subversive changes in government from within. Communism will be treated as hysterical insanity, entirely un-American, and indulged in only by madmen. In the last war the strong man dictatorial ideology was instilled in the minds of the children, but all of this was sugar-coated with the sweet traditional phrases of liberty and democracy.
An analysis of a number of history text books and supplementary readers in wide use showed that from 20 to 90 percent of the space was devoted to war in a most intense nationalistic way. All the wars of the United States are described as either defensive or completely altruistic. Little or no attention is paid to the cause of peace, although the mouthing of the politicians constantly extol the grandeur of peace. Some years ago the Chicago Tribune discovered that unpatriotic ideas were being taught in the Chicago schools. The syllabus of an eighth grade history course suggested as subjects for discussion the following: "The soldier's life in the trench and the dug-out", "Boredom of the training camp", "Futility of war", "How great armaments invite war", and so on. These subjects were laid at the door of the "pacifist borers" in the schools and condemnation was poured out as follows: "An American school history course has been perverted to teach children that military training is boredom and that life in a trench is perilous and in a dug-out, hideous. The purpose of this teaching is to destroy the qualities which service men needed. The boring, which the pacifists are doing in the schools and colleges is in about equal parts impertinence, absurdity and malevolence." Needless to say the house cleaning advocated by the "Tribune" took place. This policy has always been controlling in the American educational system. The war here has always been taught the subject of special glorification. A man like General Grant could go into a partnership with a Wall Street broker of not too pure a reputation and the latter could die in jail for the most flagrant kind of crookedness and yet the halo on the head of the Civil War generalissimo would not be disturbed and the school books would go on raving about the great military genius whose Presidential administration was as corrupt as any before or since.
Naturally, when all the other war forces of the country were brought into play, the educational system was also profoundly affected. Everywhere the school children were urged to aid in winning the war. They were all subject to the same influences as the adults in the press, the church, the theater and the movies. In the schools they were given outlets for their energies to aid in selling Liberty Bonds and War Savings Stamps. In the English Composition classes in Detroit, for example, between October 8th and October 27th, 1917, the regular work was laid aside and a study was made of conditions relating to the sale of Liberty Bonds. Reports were made on speeches, discussions, books and articles. If the work was well done it was accepted in lieu of the ordinary homework. One of the chief aims of such a program was to train them for similar work in the future. The various Chambers of Commerce would donate the money for printing pamphlets which contained complete instructions to the school children as to their course of conduct in this connection. It was recommenced that a complete record be kept of all this work with comments upon weaknesses that "might well be corrected in the event of another such opportunity to aid in the fight against German autocracy." The writings would have great practical value, it was said when the next Liberty Loan drive was to come. The subjects for discussion and composition in the schools were, of course, those outlined in the series of leaflets issued by Creel's Committee on Public Information which were referred to at the beginning of this article.
It is interesting to note a few items of British technique in influencing the minds of school children. In the schools where hymns were sung it was suggested that those with the following and similar lines and ideas were to be avoided: "Make haste, o'man, to live, Thy time is almost o'er, "Weary of earth and laden with sin", "By thy deep expiring groan". Hymns in the spirit of the following, on the contrary, were highly useful: "For the thrill, the leap, the gladness of our pulse of living here", "Run the straight race through God's good grace", "Chasing far the gloom and terror". All this, to be sure, war for the purpose of keeping up the courage and morale of the youthful population whose fathers were either killed or wounded or about to be. It was urged that "in a school chapel above everything else, we want relations; something to show us that Christianity in an optimistic, buoyant, cheerful, absolutely happy religion where human feelings and failings, sorrows and misadventures, loves and hatreds are taken into account."
Of course, the professors could be depended upon to drag in Shakespeare as well as the Bible to prove that England had to win the war. At Oxford, F. Colmer, in a piece of idiotic madness called "Shakespeare and the War", indulged in the ecclesiastical habit of tearing a text from its setting and applying it to a situation in no way related to the original context. To sum it up briefly, the spirit of Shakespeare was on the side of the Allies and that made it just about unanimous.
Let us now come back to the United States where that high minded Secretary of War, Newton D. Baker, in a very subtle fashion goaded the college students into the army. In an address, "The Task of the College", included in his book, "Frontiers of Freedom", he says, in response to the question of the collegian, "What can I do?"
"Even where it would be obviously better for a boy to stay in college and prepare for later and further usefulness, if the boy in so doing acquired a low view of his own courage and felt that he was electing the less worthy course, the effect on the boy himself of that state of mind probably was so prejudicial that it ought not to be encouraged."
Hence, join the army! That is to say, the collegians should go into the training camps for officers. As to those who remain in college, he urged a modification of the courses in the curriculum that would show them a direct preparation and equipment for future usefulness if the emergency lasts until their call comes.
"Mobilization of a University," an article in the Columbia University Quarterly, of June, 1917, very effectively portrays what was generally taking place throughout the whole country. On March 31, 1917, 500 officers of Columbia had sent a telegram to the President of the United States approving of his stand. On April 6th, when war was declared, a mass meeting of students and faculty was held and immediately thereafter the enrollment of students, faculty and alumni began. The Registrar mailed out 53,000 cards. The plan for mobilizing Columbia University was adopted by the Bureau of Education of the Department of the Interior and sent as a model to the presidents of colleges and universities all over the United States.
Training for service on land and sea was instituted. A bureau of information on such training was established and undergraduates received the consent of Colonel Vanderbilt to use the 22nd Regiment Armory. Ten hours of drill per week were supplemented by three lectures a week. This continued until announcement was made that no more Reserve Officers' Commissions would be issued except after a three month training period in Federal camps. Camp Columbia was established in Connecticut. Enlistment in the regular army and navy were not encouraged. It was felt that all men, who could train, should make themselves fit to be officers and the government desired college men for the camps. Practical naval training also was arranged.
A mobilizationcommittee on women's work was established. Bulletins were issued on nursing, emergency social service, agriculture and emergency food service. The usual teaching functions were adjusted to the new situation. In extension teaching an emergency course for volunteer clerical workers was begun. A large number of courses offering training for government service of a military, naval and general character were set up. Courses on visiting nursing and in all sorts of emergency work were given. Those who were occupied in the different training units or were called into government service or sent out for work on farms or in shops and had, for these reasons, to drop part or all of their courses, were credited with full University attendance. The teaching staff was of direct assistance to the government. Instruction was given to graduates of the Naval Academy. Professors of engineering advised on personnel, material and construction. Similarly in chemistry, the social sciences and other matters requiring exact knowledge. Economists and statisticians also helped as did the staff of the College of Physicians and Surgeons. The language staff assisted in the many translations which were required. A Red Cross Ambulance Unit was established and men were called into service for it. Members of the Department of Agriculture and students acquainted with rural conditions worked out plans for getting the boys back on the land.
There was established a Division of Intelligence and Publicity which prepared a series of pamphlets on the problems and duties of American citizens in many phases of the war question. An enumeration of the subjects is most enlightening as to the scope of the assistance which Columbia rendered to the government: 1. Enlistment for the farm - a message on how school children can aid the nation; 2. German subjects within our gates - some notes on the possibility of internment; 3. Mobilize the country-home garden - an appeal to the owners of country estates; 4. Our headline policy - an appeal to the press to recognize in their news our unity with our allies; 5. Food preparedness - a survey of the basic facts and of the necessity for conservation; 6. How to finance the war - an attempt to construct an equitable program for loans and taxation; 7. Farmers and speculators - a discussion of prices as stimulant to production and of the uses of speculation in war finance; 8. Directory for service telling how and where to enlist for different kinds of work for the country; 9. City gardens - practical instruction for the use of small city plots; 10. Bread bullets - concerning the agricultural mobilization as hunger threatened; 11. Rural education - how to organize high school boys for farm work; 12. Why we should have universal military service-preparedness and the impracticability of volunteer service; 13. How Canada organized her manpower; 14. Wheat substitutes - rice, oatmeal, cornmeal, barley, rye, etc.; 15. House Revenue Bill to raise three billion dollars to aid the allies; 16. The war cripple - inevitable consequence of the war.
There we can see a most imposing and comprehensive diversity of activities. It was not an idle boast when the editor of the Columbia Quarterly wrote, "As one looks ahead in coming months or years of war, one can realize what a university in war times will be. Most of the students and instructors over 21 and under 35 will be in service in the field or in government offices. Many of the officers with technical training will be called into positions under Federal control. Every subject relating to the effective prosecution of war which the University is equipped to teach will remain untouched by reference to the present situation. This is not merely mobilization. It is the incorporation of the University vitally into the changed life of the nation."
The same mobilization is taking place now. When war breaks out the mighty machine will go right into action in all directions. However, this much should be noted. A marked change has taken place since the last war in the attitude of a large number of students toward war in general. Organizations that did not exist before the war are now very articulately and militantly, if somewhat blundering, arousing the feelings of the students against imperialist war. To meet this situation and also to combat the generally increased radicalization of the students, various fascistic groups have been formed in the different colleges. Clashes take place whenever an important question is in the public view.
Certainly this is a sign of the Europeanization of the American college campus. The bulk of the college students are inclined because of their home background, toward the conservatives. In the larger cities, that is to say, in those institutions, which draw their students from an urban working class background, marked left tendencies have appeared, as for example, in the College of the City of New York.
And just to show how the faculties of the various colleges are being mobilized for any eventuality, the following anecdote is of some significance. It was told to the writer by a student of the College of the City of New York, who was present in the assembly hall, when through the stupidity and tactlessness of President Frederick B. Robinson, a riot started when the faculty chairman refused to allow the representative of the students to make a statement into the microphone on the occasion of the welcome by the sycophantic Robinson to a delegation of Mussolini's Fascist students, who were on a "good will" tour. While the fighting was going on, one of the instructors of the Department of Chemistry walked over to Robinson and said that he had the tear gas ready and could put it to use in less than a minute. Robinson must have been afraid that he himself would get a whiff of it, and though he hesitated, finally decided not to use it, at least, not just then. Luckily for him, a large squad of police broke up the fight and Robinson was spared the honor of being the first college president to use tear gas in his own assembly hall against his own students. The point of all the foregoing is, of course that in view of the constant protests and demonstrations of the students against military training and other matters, the City College Department of Chemistry very frugally made its own tear gas for use on its own students.
In view of the fact that since the last war military training courses have been added to the curriculum, in many instances as compulsory subjects, it is clear that when war comes each college will again become just a large officers' training corps as far as the students are concerned. In addition what happened at Columbia University as above described will be repeated on a far more extensive scale and in a much more efficient manner.
VI
The scope of this article has been rather wide. By using all these social-educational agencies in an efficient and well-coordinated manner, the capitalist state can mobilize all the forces of the population in a very short space of time. Although these agencies have been dealt with separately in this article, so far as possible, in order to analyze the functions of each part of the whole system and to evaluate the relative importance of each of said parts. Nevertheless it must be emphasized that all of these parts of the educational machine of the state are constantly being called into play one with the other and sometimes all of them at once. At a so-called patriotic rally it is possible to devote a college lecture or school recitation to a radio talk, to be followed by a motion picture. The same procedure may be used in a church theater or movie audience might be asked to join in a prayer or something of the kind. Radio was not a weapon in the last war. In the coming war it will take its part among the leaders.
Which of the social-educational agencies is more important? First of all, we must insist that just as nothing can replace the infantry in the army, nothing can surpass the personal contacts in war time. From this point of view the church is unbeaten, particularly in dealing with backward rural masses, with the poorest layers of the adult population and with the women. After the church, in the more prosperous agrarian communities, comes the radio in this country, and in the small town, the motion pictures and posters. As for the country youth, the chief mechanism remains the school and then the motion pictures. For the city population, the chief agency to reach the broadest masses will be the motion pictures, and after the motion pictures, the poster and mass demonstration, parade, etc. For the literate city population, the press will be the best medium for the state to mobilize its adherents for the war. For the city youth, the motion picture and school, for the adult the press, for the aged and housewife, the radio and perhaps the poster and photograph.
In dealing with the art of disseminating propaganda to collected masses, in the country and small town the church will take first place with its revivalist meetings after which will come the staged meetings of political and governmental officials. In the city, collected masses can be reached best through the mass moving demonstration, the parade, etc.
An exceptional mechanism, perhaps in some respects the most powerful of all, is the Newsreel Motion Picture. Through this form of art we can get the most powerful reactions possible, rivaling in its action and panoramic effect the best of the motion pictures and in its intensity of emotional display, the best of the theater. Newsreels can do infinitely more than photographs. For it is real life. Here all live through the actions of the soldiers and the thrilling high and low moments of the nations's history.
The various mechanisms described above have their limits not only in space but also in time. Some of them are best fitted to prepare the people for war, others to sustain them in the actual fighting. The church and school are not so good in mobilizing for war as they are after the war is actually declared. In this preparatory period it is the press, the motion picture and the radio that can be used most effectively. But after the war is actually declared and the mass of dead begin to mount in the army, it is the chaplain and priest and semi-religious organizations (Red Cross Y.M.C.A., Salvation Army, etc) who alone can travel with the soldiers and are the propaganda agents for the war to the bitter end. In the rear it is the church to whom the mountain of dead are turned over and who can use all the solemnity given to it by the superstitious of the ages to swear by all the dead and in the name of future glory with the Lord. The coming into prominence of the church in time of war is only another illustration of the barbaric and destructive character of the war and the breakdown of civilized life that it implies.
If it is true that, after all, nothing can replace personal contact, this is one of the best guarantees that the proletariat which has no money and no machinery at its disposal compared with the ruling class, must eventually win the day. ...
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WHAT PRICE SUBSCRIBERS?
One James Rorty, newspaper reporter covering the Imperial Valley for the New York Post was arrested by a red-baiting sheriff at El Centro, California and is now involved in an investigation of the House Labor Committee. What interested us most in the Post report (March 2) on Rorty's arrest was the fact that there was found in his possession, and retained by the sheriff, nothing less than a list of subscribers of the "Militant". This was apparently considered by the sheriff the most valuable among Rorty's documents.
The question arises first, why was such a list given to someone who at best could be but a fellow traveller of the revolutionary movement? Was Rorty "contacting" the List? But this is work for the most trusted party member. We do not so much criticize Rorty, who is not supposed to know better, for carelessness in carrying around such a list in his pockets while going through a ticklish territory where labor troubles have been rife, as we do the editor or business manager of the "Militant", who must have handed the list over. Probably it is useless to expect that those who give the lists of their subscribers to the government in return for the second class mailing privileges would have enough political sense to see why a subscribers' list should not be handed over to any Tom, Dick or Harry. We merely have to wonder what else these revolutionary play-boys are doing as they sport about the country building their house of cards, the "Workers Party".
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