Tuesday, February 28, 2017

Africa’s Rich Oil: U.S., China New Competing Race for Africa and the Core Causes for Conflict (Part Five)


Josephus Moses Gray, gnnliberia.com
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Excerpt:
While it is difficult to draw out a definite conclusion, empirically China is posing greater threat to the U.S. influence in Africa, except for other regions such as the Latin America, Asia and Middle East where U.S. commends greater respect.
China and the United States use tools of soft power in different ways and with varying effects. Since the mid-1990s, the PRC has adopted an increasingly active and pragmatic diplomatic approach in Africa that emphasizes complementary economic interests. China’s influence and image have been bolstered through its increasingly open and sophisticated diplomatic corps as well as through prominent PRC-funded infrastructure, public works, and economic investment projects in many African countries; Beijing have diplomatic mission in 49 African countries.
The U.S. international public image is gradually declining on the continent perhaps due to its foreign policies that remain unpopular abroad. The U.S. government has persistently criticized U.S. state diplomacy as being neglectful of smaller countries or of countries and regional issues that are not related to the global war on terrorism.
The United States continues to exert global foreign aid leadership and maintain a major, and much appreciated, aid presence in Central Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America. U.S. foreign assistance to Southeast Asia has increased markedly since 2001, although most new funding has been directed at counter-terrorism.
The regions with the largest U.S. public diplomacy efforts in terms of funding are Europe/Eurasia and the Western Hemisphere (Latin America and the Carribean). Likewise, the U.S. International Military Education and Training (IMET) program seeks to promote democratic values, mutual understanding, and professional and personal relationships in addition to military capacity.
Many aspects of U.S. social, economic, cultural, academic, technological, and other forms of influence, much of which emanate from the private sector or outside the scope of government, remain unmatched in the world. Many American ideals have long-term, universal appeal, while the United States continues to be a magnet for immigrants and foreign students. Despite a perceived lack of attention among elites, the United States has maintained favorable public image ratings in many African and Latin American countries as well as in the Philippines, a U.S. ally.
The United States and China share the same vital national interests of security and prosperity, although each has a particular additional interest and each defines its interests somewhat differently. Each seeks freedom from fear and want and to preserve its territorial integrity. For the United States, its particular interest lies in value preservation and projection of those values.  
China has thus made in-roads into the oil sectors in Nigeria (Africa’s largest oil producer) and Angola (Africa’s second largest producer), which accounts for “13 per cent of China’s crude oil imports”. Other African countries with Chinese oil interests include Gabon, Mauritania, Niger, Equatorial Guinea, Algeria, Liberia, Ghana, Southern Sudan and Chad.
US oil interests are locked into major oil producers such as Nigeria, Angola, Algeria, Gabon, and the “new oil boom states” Chad, Equatorial Guinea, and Sao Tome and Principe. Since most of the oil being discovered is off-shore, it also has the added advantage of being beyond the reach of protesting oil communities on land that are capable of disrupting the oil flow, as had been the case in the restive Nigerian oil-rich Niger Delta since the 1990’s (Obi 2006a: 93-94).
It is fair to argue that the African continent has not traditionally been at the centre of United States of America (USA) foreign policy. Historical links between the U.S. and African countries date back centuries, but significant change in both relations has been the growing concern about the hunt for resources and terrorist activities on the continent, particularly in the Horn of Africa and the Sahel regions. The United States recent re-engaging with the continent indicates that Africa does occupy a central place in US global foreign policy strategy. The US is the world’s largest development aid donor and has programs dedicated to Africa with billions of dollars being spent in various sectors on the continent. ...

U.S. Consulate Tijuana launches COMICS Competition #ARTEvsVIOLENCIA


mx.usembassy.gov



The U.S. Consulate in Tijuana, in partnership with Fundación EnTijuanarte and Halaken Telar Juvenil, announced #ArteVSViolencia, a contest to develop a superhero or comic strip to combat trafficking in persons.
Preeti Shah, Public Affairs Officer, highlighted the need to reach young audiences via comics, and the goal of using arts as a vehicle for messages of empowerment and anti-trafficking.
For more info of the contest visit: http://ow.ly/zfmO309iYbv

Confused by Trump, Gulf States Push for Iran-Saudi Rapprochement


Kimberly Rogers-Brown, beastwatchnews.com


“Shahab Hosseini is more dangerous than the Revolutionary Guards,” wrote the Saudi newspaper Mecca last August. “Iran has captured the entire world with its professional film industry,” warned the daily, unwittingly complimenting Iranian cinema.
Hosseini is the protagonist in the film “The Salesman,” for which Iranian director Asghar Farhadi won his second Oscar in the category of Best Foreign Language Film on Sunday night (following “A Separation” in 2012).
A representative of Farhadi, Iranian-American businesswoman Anousheh Ansari, read a short declaration in his name, in which he outlined his reasons for not attending the ceremony: the executive order issued by U.S. President Donald Trump forbidding entry into the United States by citizens of seven predominantly Muslim countries, including Iran – and their implications and significance.
Thousands of words have been written on the executive order, including the interesting question as to why Saudi Arabia of all places – the country from which 15 of the 19 terrorists in the 9/11 attacks originated – was not included.
But that’s no consolation for the kingdom, which continues to be troubled by Iran’s cinematic success. The extensive coverage of the battle between the two regional powers doesn’t skip the channels of public diplomacy, in which cinema plays an important part.
In the face of Farhadi’s success, Saudi Arabia is presenting a film of its own. Not a feature film, since there is almost no movie industry in Saudi Arabia. Instead, it is a documentary produced by Margin Scope – the film company owned by Saudi-U.S. businessman and lobbyist Salman al-Ansari.


Firouz Naderi and Anousheh Ansari posing with the Oscar they accepted on behalf of director Asghar Farhadi, who won the Best Foreign Language Film for "The Salesman."
Firouz Naderi, left, and Anousheh Ansari with the Oscar they accepted on behalf of Asghar Farhadi, who won the Best Foreign Language Film for “The Salesman,” February 26, 2017. LUCAS JACKSON/REUTERS

As might be expected, the film – called “Menace in Disguise” – labels Iran a terrorist state that aspires to undermine stability in the region.
Interviewees include senior American officials, including Dr. Michael Ledeen – a close friend of Michael Flynn, who was Trump’s national security adviser for 15 minutes.
The neoconservative Ledeen devotes most of his academic and political work to the Iranian threat. In the 1980s he was involved in Irangate, which was designed to bring about an internal revolution in Iran, but ended with the sale of Iranian weapons to the rebels in Nicaragua, in a circuitous deal that included Israel.

Frum: There may be security risks in the White House right now


msnbc.com
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David Frum says the special prosecutor talk should stop and that a special commission should look into the Trump team's ties to Russia instead. Former Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy Richard Stengel also joins Lawrence to weigh in.

February Blog Roundup: The Top 5


uscpublicdiplomacy.org

Take a look at CPD's top blogs from February:
5) I Was a Stranger & You Welcomed Me: The Church & Immigration - By Madison Jones. A look at the response of some Christian churches to President Trump's travel ban.
4) Mexico at a Crossroads - By Sergio de la Calle. With the world watching the new U.S. - Mexico relationship, Mexico has an opportunity. 
3 ) What's in VOA's Charter - And What Isn't - By David S. Jackson. The Voice of America was never intended to do investigative reporting, nor should it.
2) NATO in an Era of Fake News and Disinformation - By Barbora Maronkova. How the "post-truth" trend of misinformation is affecting NATO, and how the organization can fight back.
1) The Fate of VOA in the Balance - By Alex Belida. What does the Trump administration's anti-media environment mean for the Voice of America?
Photos (from top to bottom): Photo by Gretchen Mahan | CC by 2.0, Photo by Presidencia de la Republica Mexicana | CC 2.0, Photo by Gabito222 | CC 0, Photo by MIH83 I CC 0, Photo by Thomas Cizauskas I CC 2.0


Guest Speaker Event: Mexico's Struggle With Its Country Image


heyevent.com

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Emerging, Exotic, But Yet Dependent: Mexico's Struggle With Its Country Image
Professor Cesar Villanueva Rivas, guest speaker
Professor Rebecka Ulfgard, guest speaker
Professor Nick Cull, moderator
USC Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism
3502 Watt Way, Los Angeles, CA
Date: Tuesday, February 28, 2017
Time: 12pm-1pm
Room: ASC 207
Refreshments will be provided
Hosted by the Association of Public Diplomacy Scholars at USC and the USC Master of Public Diplomacy Program
Questions? Contact us at apds@usc.edu
Guest Speaker Bios:
César Villanueva Rivas is Associate Professor, International Relations and Public/Cultural Diplomacy at Universidad Iberoamericana in Mexico City, since 2007. Member of Mexico’s National System of Researchers, National Council of Science and Technology (SNI-CONACYT in Spanish). He has coordinated the study A Contemporary Agenda for Mexican Cultural Diplomacy, a breakthrough analysis of trends and actions of soft power in Mexico over the last decade, with contributions by leading experts in the field. He holds a PhD in Political Science from Linnaeus University (2007, previously Växjö University), in Sweden, doctoral thesis: Representing cultural diplomacy. Soft power, cosmopolitan constructivism and nation branding in Mexico and Sweden (Växjö University Press, 2007). A frequent lecturer on cultural/public diplomacy and contemporary arts at different universities and cultural centers in the Americas, Asia and Europe, in 2015 he was the keynote speaker at the Wilton Park conference on Soft Power, held in Mexico, with participation by leading worldwide experts in the field. He has just concluded a research project funded by the Mexican National Council of Science and Technology (CONACyT) on the image of Mexico abroad (2006-2015).
Rebecka Villanueva Ulfgard is Associate Professor in International Cooperation and Development Studies, Instituto Mora, Mexico City, since August 2008. She is teaching courses and supervising Masters theses on International Relations theories, International Cooperation and Development (focus on Mexico, Latin America, and Latin America/Mexico-European Union relations) at the Master’s Program on International Development Cooperation. Member of Mexico’s National System of Researchers, National Council of Science and Technology (SNI-CONACYT in Spanish). She obtained her PhD degree in Political Science from Linnaeus University (2005, previously Växjö University) with the doctoral thesis Norm Consolidation in the European Union: The EU14-Austria Crisis in 2000 (Växjö University Press, 2005). In Mexico she is taking an active part in new initiatives to include civil society and academia in the foreign policy process, for example around the Global Partnership for Effective Development Co-operation and the implementation of the 2030 Agenda/Sustainable Development Goals. Her latest edited book is Mexico and the post-2015 Development Agenda: Contributions and Challenges. Palgrave Macmillan, 2017. She is the lead coordinator (together with César Villanueva Rivas) of the Palgrave Macmillan series on “Governance, Development, and Social Inclusion in Latin America”.

Final countdown: Kosovo’s new UNESCO bid


Hajrulla Çeku, prishtinainsight.com

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Only months away from the next opportunity to apply for UNESCO membership, Kosovo’s government is neglecting to take a deliberative decision on a very important matter.

Excerpt:
Now that we are at the end of the first quarter of 2017 and we only have a few months left before the next UNESCO conference, the Kosovo government faces a countdown. An absolutely necessary step that the government must take is to open up the playing field for wide and transparent public discussions, which will bring about a deliberative decision about whether we should apply for membership in 2017 or wait until the next round of applications opens in 2019.
In case there is a decision to apply, all of the country’s capacities – from governmental bodies to the academy and civil society – should be mobilized around this objective. Without a comprehensive mobilization of all state and social structures, a renewed effort for membership would be a dangerous action. In 2015, we fell short of three votes, but nothing has been done in the meantime to change the votes. Another discouraging fact is the extremely small number of international recognitions of Kosovo’s independence in the past few years. In addition to lobbying through official diplomatic channels, these social groups need to be active in public diplomacy to convince UNESCO member states to vote positively and oppose the negative Serbian propaganda. And most of all, reforms in cultural heritage management and the improvement of quality in education and other fields related to the work of UNESCO are of vital importance.