Thursday, January 31, 2019

Trump -- a true 60's "peacenik"?

... Or, the Revenge of the Groovy Generation?

„If you remember the Sixties, you weren't there.“

--Grace Slick, Attributed to Slick in Bangkok Babylon (2006) by Jerry Hopkins, p. 217, and elsewhere, this was also attributed to Paul Kantner in The New Yorker, Vol. 67 (1991), Dennis Hopper in Roger Ebert's Movie Home Companion (1992), and in various books to numerous others, including Judy Collins, George Harrison, and comedian Robin Williams.

John Brown, from this blog. See also (1) (2)

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1. He got out of the Vietnam-era draft, claiming issues with his feet.

2. He went to prestigious for-the-rich, nearly-all-white upper-middle-class colleges, like so many "rebels" on prestigious USA campuses.

3. He "married" non-AmeriKan foreigners -- his two favorite ladies from Central Europe -- let's all groove together, baby, no matter your national origin; and I luv yr sexy accent/legs; forget about visas.

4. He went into 60's-like "sexual liberation," even after his business/working days -- centered around how the gossip-media know about his relationships with the TOS (look it up on Google) not born in the USA.

5. He shows little interest in "classic literature" or complicated/subtle prose, like many aged hippies preferring the social media to so-called NYT in-depth op-ed serious "communication."

6. He worried (evidently still worries) about how long his precious hair should be (a 60s male obsession?) [Note the long male head hair in the '60 above pix]

7. He takes drugs -- well, ok, it's only "Diet Coke."

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8. He's against American intervention in Iraq/Afghanistan ("Hey, Hey, LBJ, How many kids did you kill today?).

9. He's skeptical of the American "intelligence community." (Not to speak of the FBI), much like the late 60s cynical media reaction to "from official government sources."

10. He's also skeptical of the Pentagon and its generals/genitals and their "plans" for restoring American "influence"/leadership abroad.

11. He likes "Slavs" [slaves?] (his two wives, one former, one current, from that immensely variegated part of the world)   ...

My main (certainly not a "serious" question): "Is not Trump a child of the anti-institutional sixties?" Just asking ... And -- Whatever the importance of this question, what implications could it have (if any) for us ordinary Americans? As well as for American public diplomacy [JB emphasis] in general . ...

Wednesday, January 30, 2019

The (de-)evolution of Turkey's Foreign Ministry

Pinar Tremblay,, January 29, 2019

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Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu leave an Armistice Day ceremony marking 100 years since the end of World War I, Paris, Nov. 11, 2018. 


Career diplomats and Foreign Ministry bureaucrats have been shoved aside and demoralized by the conduct of Turkey's foreign policy under Justice and Development Party governments

After two decades, Turkey’s diplomats are used to becoming targets of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s disdain. Often accused of being unpatriotic or faint-hearted, the country’s diplomatic elite has seen their power – not to mention their prestige – diminish under the acid-tongue president and his cronies.

The last punch came on Jan. 14 at an off-the-record parliamentarian event, where Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu declared that politically-appointed diplomats –something the Foreign Ministry grudgingly accepted after long resistance– proved to be more successful than career diplomats.

“Ambassadors from outside the diplomatic profession who were appointed by the president are the most successful,” Cavusoglu said in response to complaints by opposition party members that career diplomats were not being promoted to ambassador positions.

“When there is an ambassador to be appointed to a foreign post, we choose the ones most appropriate for the country,” Cavusoglu asserted. “We don't pick arbitrarily.”

Aydin Adnan Sezgin, a former ambassador and currently a Good Party (IP) parliamentarian, was at the closed-door session and expressed surprise to the parliament about the minister’s words. He questioned Cavusoglu’s criteria for success.

Traditionally, advancement within the Foreign Ministry has been a purview of career-track diplomats. Despite opposition from other political parties and experts, the AKP changed the ministry's regulations in 2013 to allow people from outside the ministry to be appointed ambassadors. Some former diplomats have referred to the decision as a coup. Currently, 13% of all ambassadors are political appointees.

The AKP defends this system as having been adopted from the United States to increase efficiency and to adjust to a fast-paced world. However, the Turkish system ignored that in the United States presidential nominees for ambassadorships must be confirmed by the Senate, thus curtailing total arbitrariness in appointments. In Turkey, on the other hand, the president can approve almost anyone as an ambassador.

Cavusoglu’s statements about political appointees have understandably affected the morale of current career diplomats and upset retired personnel. But Cavusoglu refrained from apology, clarification and backtracking -mimicking the disdainful attitude of President Erdogan toward diplomats.

Erdogan's populist stridency estranged the Foreign Ministry from the AKP in the early 2000s. In various public speeches, Erdogan kept referring to the diplomats as “mon cher” (my dear in French)– a mimicry that diplomats themselves use in self-mockery to indicate their Westernized, polyglot and cosmopolitan lifestyle. But the satirical expression has been turned to an expression of derision by Erdogan, who made no secret of the fact that he considered the decisions of “mon cher”s unwise.

Perhaps it is therefore not surprising that the ebbs and flows of Turkish foreign relations and their perpetual state of crisis have baffled analysts and journalists. To Aydin Selcen, a former diplomat, it is simply “chaotic foreign policy.”

Meanwhile, pro-government media frequently boast that the AKP years have led to a stronger and more diverse Foreign Ministry, referring to Turkey's high number of female ambassadors — 66, with 33 representing the country abroad. Under the AKP, the number of diplomatic missions around the world increased from 163 in 2002 to 242 in 2018, making Turkey fifth in the world for the number of diplomats abroad. In 2017, Turkey ranked as the world's leader in foreign aid. Based on these numbers, one might expect to hear of remarkable successes for the Foreign Ministry, but this is not the case.

After Cavusoglu’s remarks, Al-Monitor spoke with a group of senior and mid-level career diplomats, some of them retired or having resigned, to understand how the ministry has changed. All of them, who requested anonymity, confirmed that the ministry has been sidelined as the president's executive powers have expanded exponentially. Foreign Ministry personnel of all ranks are beside themselves watching the failures of Turkish foreign policy unfold firsthand.

“We are successful if we can prevent the failure from leaking out of our own office,” one mid-level career diplomat said. “Our job has exclusively become damage control, as Turkey is operating on red alert full time.”

First, the AKP developed an aggressive policy approach different from the ministry's usual functioning. When bureaucrats resisted new approaches, the administration got creative, developing new agencies or taking away existing agencies from the umbrella of the Foreign Ministry. The Office of Public Diplomacy[JB emphasis], which was founded by career-diplomat Namik Tan in 2009 under the roof of the Foreign Ministry, was moved to the Prime Ministry the next year and the role of the coordinator was given to Ibrahim Kalin, president’s top foreign policy adviser. The administration also expanded the powers and reach of some existing agencies, such as the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA) and the Religious Affairs Directorate (Diyanet). Diplomats have complained about the duality of the system.

A senior diplomat told Al-Monitor, “The AKP now complains about a parallel state system [referring to the Gulen movement's infiltration of state agencies], but for years [their actions] encouraged that to happen at all levels. For example, while serving abroad I learned that AKP parliamentarians were visiting the city I was posted in, but I was not told about their arrival, because another agency greeted and hosted them. These are simple tasks, but they can destroy a country’s image abroad.”

The AKP created the new agencies and expanded others' authority into foreign affairs for a variety of reasons, one of them being to support the rogue arrangements it sometimes makes. A retired diplomat, Murat Ozcelik, revealed for example that in February 2006, when Hamas leader Khaled Meshaal and members of his movement paid a controversial visit to Ankara, the Foreign Ministry only learned about the visit the night before it was to take place and couldn't for policy reasons host the delegation. Instead, the AKP had taken charge of it. Others have confirmed Ozcelik’s assertion and how the leadership in many cases keeps Foreign Ministry personnel in the dark until the last minute.

Second, like other bureaucratic agencies, the ministry has gradually fallen victim to nepotism in hiring. Once upon a time, diplomats were rigorously tested in foreign languages, Turkish history and law and international law, among other subjects. The required exam was considered one of the most difficult in the civil service.

After the failed coup attempt in July 2016, hundreds of employees were dismissed from the Foreign Ministry. Former ambassador Gurcan Balik, who also served under former President Abdullah Gul and former Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu, remains in jail for allegedly belonging to the Gulenist movement. The previous rules on eligibility for taking the ministry exams were eased.

Third, Erdogan’s personality type resulted in micromanagement at all levels of foreign affairs. Rather than following established protocols, Erdogan prefers to take shortcuts and personalize relationships. This undercuts discipline and the Foreign Ministry's functioning. Although this kind of personal style might work well with individual leaders, like the current US president, it does not benefit institutional arrangements, such as Turkish-EU relations.

Often, this resulted in institutionalized zig-zagging. The AKP upgraded Turkey’s Secretariat-General of European Union Affairs to a ministry in 2011, only to downgrade and affiliate it as a general-directorate to the Foreign Ministry seven years later – during the shift to the presidential system. Similarly, the Office of Public Diplomacy was moved from the prime minister's purview to the president's. Although the office is supposed to be accessible to foreign-language speakers so it can present a good face for the country, its web page is now available in Turkish only and has not been updated for some time. The section for international media contacts has not been updated since 2014.

One recently retired ambassador told Al-Monitor, “There's no need for any of these agencies anymore, other than having separate items for spending in the budget. They may also be used for staffing for some AKP cronies, [but] these agencies haven't been accountable to the Turkish parliament or public, and what purposes they have served remains a mystery. The public diplomacy office, for instance, generated commotion early on, but now, who knows what they do?”

Timid statements made by Foreign Ministry personnel in response to Al-Monitor inquiries suggest that the three factors identified here are not an exhaustive list or minor aberrations affecting the ministry's functioning. Rather, they indicate that the Foreign Ministry, along with other agencies, is suffocating under Erdoganism.

Pinar Tremblay is a columnist for Al-Monitor's Turkey Pulse and a visiting scholar of political science at California State Polytechnic University, Pomona. She is a columnist for Turkish news outlet T24. Her articles have appeared in Time, New America, Hurriyet Daily News, Today's Zaman, Star and Salom. On Twitter: @pinartremblay

Senior Public Affairs Advisor - The Permanent Mission of Canada to the United Nations in New York

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The Permanent Mission of Canada to the United Nations in New York (PRMNY) is seeking to hire a Senior Public Affairs Advisor to manage the Mission’s communication portfolio.
Position Title: Senior Public Affairs Advisor
Section: United Nations Security Council Campaign
Location: The Permanent Mission of Canada to the United Nations in New York
Position no: 422683
Level: LE-08
Starting salary: USD $90,734 (plus benefits)
Competition no: 2019-02
Date posted: January 30, 2019
Closing date: February 13, 2019
Employment Tenure: The position has a specified period of employment until March 31, 2021, with the possibility of extension/renewal. This competitive staffing process may be used to create an eligibility list of qualified candidates for this position with various tenures, including indeterminate, term, assignment/transfer, and/or acting opportunities at the Permanent Mission of Canada to the United Nations in New York (PRMNY), which might arise in the 12 months following the completion of this competition.
Open to:
  • Persons living in the United States;
  • Employees of the Consulate General of Canada in New York and the Permanent Mission of Canada to the United Nations;
  • Employees of any Canadian Mission in the United States ;
  • Spouses and dependents of Canada‐based staff at the Consulate General of Canada in New York and Permanent Mission of Canada to the United Nations.
Note: Relocation expenses will not be paid in any circumstance.
All applicants must:
  • Have independent work authorization in the U.S. and status in accordance with U.S. protocol directives for foreign missions.
  • Be resident in the United States; and
  • Submit a resume and a one-page cover letter by the closing date. The one-page cover letter must:
  • Demonstrate how you meet the essential requirements, including language, education and experience;
  • Confirm residency in the United States;
  • Confirm independent work authorization in the United States.
Note: Failure to provide any of the information required above will result in your application being rejected. All communication relating to this process, including email correspondence may be used in the assessment of qualifications.
Summary of Duties:
Under the direction of the Counsellor for the United Nations Security Council campaign, the Senior Public Affairs Advisor develops and leads the communication strategy for the entire mission; advises on and recommends advocacy of priority Canadian interests at the United Nations; conducts research and analysis on matters of relevance to Canada’s campaign and public and official reactions to campaign activities; and, plans, organizes, and participates in conferences, meetings and other events.
Condition of employment (must be met):
  • Eligibility for Government of Canada Reliability Status (RS) and Canadian secret clearance;
  • Independent work authorization in the United States and status in accordance with United States protocol directives for foreign missions.
Essential requirements:
Candidates must demonstrate clearly in their letter, how they meet the Language, Education and Experience qualifications listed below. Please be specific and provide examples for each of the qualifications.
Language Requirement:
Fluency in English and French (oral and written). A high level of proficiency in both written and spoken English is essential.
Bachelor’s degree from an accredited college or university in a field related to the duties required by the position (such as International Relations, Economics, Business Communications, or Public Policy) or a degree from a recognised university and a minimum of five years of relevant work experience.
  1. A minimum of 3-5 years’ recent experience working in international relations or in an advocacy/policy /media relations oriented sector.
  2. Extensive recent experience in developing, planning and executing communication (traditional as well as social media) strategies.
  3. Extensive recent experience in developing relationships with stakeholders, and influencers.
  4. Recent Experience conducting research and strategic analysis on policy and public affairs issues and in providing superior strategic advice, briefings, and written reports to management and/or clients.
  5. Recent Experience in preparing strategic communications materials (speeches, briefs, key messages, press releases) for selected audiences.
  6. Experience in project management (including strategic planning, execution, tracking/reporting results, and budget management).
*Recent defined in the last 8 years.
Rated requirements:
Candidates who meet the Language, Education and Experience requirements will be assessed on the following qualifications:
  • Recent experience in using traditional and social media platforms and tools;
  • Recent experience in developing social media strategy across multiple platforms;
• Experience in establishing, organizing/planning, and conducting meetings with key audiences and leaders; and
  • Experience working in an innovative manner with individuals or groups to facilitate partnerships and cross-sector initiatives.
  •  Wide and demonstrable knowledge of Canadian foreign policy (especially as it relates to the UN); and
  • Knowledge in professionally using traditional, Digital/social media tools including Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and LinkedIn.
  • Ability to communicate effectively orally and in writing;
  • Ability to analyse complex thematics and provide strategic advice; 
  •  Ability to manage multiple priorities with tight deadlines;
Ability to establish and maintain a wide range of contacts within government, media, academia and civil society;  
• Ability to work independently in a proactive, effective and accountable manner; and
• Ability to work effectively in a team.
Personal Suitability:
  • Excellent organisational and interpersonal skills;
  • Ability to work independently in cross cultural and international milieu;
  • Sound judgement;
  • Diligence, resourcefulness, thoroughness, reliability, dependability;
  • Adaptability/Flexibility;
  • People/Team Leadership;
  • Tact and discretion; and
  • Integrity.
Asset Requirements:
  1. Experience in government relations / advocacy/policy oriented sector;
  2. Preference will be given to Canadian citizens who are eligible for Canadian government security clearance in accordance with Global Affairs Canada guidelines to SECRET.
Selection procedure:
The staffing process will consist of a review of all applications to ensure that applicants meet the essential qualifications.  Please note that failure to meet any of the essential qualifications eliminates candidates from further consideration in the competition.  Only those applicants who meet these will be contacted by the Human Resources Section for an interview or other form(s) of assessment (a written test, an in-basket exercise, and /or a skills test) of the Rated Requirements for the position.
The Permanent Mission of Canada to the United Nations is committed to conducting inclusive, barrier-free selection processes.
The Permanent Mission of Canada to the United Nations offers a competitive salary, generous leave and a strong benefits package to include medical, dental, long term disability, and a pension plan to name a few.
Operational Requirements
Hours of work:
Normal hours of work for this position are in accordance with the Locally Engaged Staff (LES) regulations of 37.5 hours per week. The successful candidate must be willing to work overtime, in particular during the busy fall session in support of Ambassadorial level public diplomacy [JB emphasis] efforts. 
Willingness to travel, including international travel, if required.

A still valid tripartite agreement on foreign judges: Foreign Ministry’s role (Part II)

Shamindra Ferdinando,

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5 great places to eat like a local in Colombo, Sri Lanka

Foreign Ministry strategy

Foreign Minister Tilak Marapana and Foreign Secretary Ravinatha Aryasinha recently dealt with their strategy at a certificate awarding ceremony on January 11, 2019 of the two-week long Public Diplomacy [JB emphasis] and Media Relations training programme, organized by the Ministry for its officials in collaboration with the Sri Lanka Press Institute (SLPI). According to the ministry the project was meant to enhance public diplomacy and media relations skill of the officers of the 2018 intake of the Sri Lanka Foreign Service and some of mid-level officers serving in the Ministry.

Last week, we discussed Marapana’s address at the certificate awarding ceremony.

The ministry, in a statement issued two days after the certificate awarding ceremony quoted Foreign Secretary Aryasinha as having said: "...the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has a pivotal role to play in public diplomacy both at home and abroad and this rigorous training programme has equipped several groups of foreign service officers at different levels with the necessary skills to execute the public diplomacy agenda of the government for the next twenty years."

While emphasizing the necessity for diplomats to build relationships with the media, Aryasinha said the programme provided a platform for the diplomats and the journalistic community to engage in understanding each other’s perspectives, paving the way for an enduring relationship.

The Foreign Ministry said: "The programme which aimed at helping participants understand the concepts and methods of public diplomacy, its dimensions, and its role in the information age, was oriented to train officials in the practical application of different public diplomacy tools in their line of work. It included lectures on theoretical aspects of public diplomacy and media relations by senior journalists, Colombo-based foreign diplomats, experts and practitioners, covering a wide range of issues including the history of public diplomacy, the role of media in shaping public opinion, social media, interaction with media and the freedom of expression in the context of the RTI Act."

"It also included sessions with experts and practitioners including resident foreign correspondents and diplomats, on the practical aspects of public diplomacy such as news release writing, conducting press conferences, giving interviews and using social media effectively, with participants facing mock press conferences and interviews on camera. They also visited the Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation, the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation and the Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Limited (Lake House) to gain first-hand experience of the functioning of a ‘news room’."

"The participating officials also had discussions with journalists as to how Sri Lankan diplomats could do better in media relations and on the needs of media in Sri Lanka and abroad with respect to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Sri Lanka Missions overseas."

The Foreign Ministry efforts in this regard should be appreciated. However, the country is in such a sorry state, a super human effort is required to change Sri Lanka’s direction. The country is certainly heading for a catastrophe, thanks to a corrupt political party system. Marapana must have realized the pathetic situation and desired improvement, hence his call to his ministry to depict Sri Lanka as a civilized nation. In other words, one-time Attorney General and President’s Counsel Marapana admits Sri Lanka is not a civilized nation. ...

Israel’s new diplomacy rests on its friends’ falling support for Palestine

Joseph DanaBy,

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image from, with caption:
A joint press conference of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Chad President Idriss Déby in Jerusalem, November 25, 2018.

“Isolation” is a word never far from the mouths of Israeli diplomats when discussing their country’s geopolitical predicament. Since its creation, Israel has bemoaned what it terms its undue isolation in the Arab and Muslim world.

With the signing of peace agreements with Jordan and Egypt, this was greatly diminished, to be sure. But Israelis still believed themselves alone in a sea of enemies.

That, at least, has been the official line. In reality, through the sale of weapons and technology, it has cultivated unofficial allies across the region and around the globe. The re-establishment of diplomatic relations with Chad this month is powerful evidence to this point.

As part of an international campaign to encourage investment and to highlight his own diplomatic clout, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been busy. From cozying up to Jair Bolsonaro, the newly elected president of Brazil, to visiting Oman’s Sultan Qaboos, Netanyahu has made it his mission to expand the list of Israel’s allies.

This strategy extends deep into Africa, where Israel has a checkered history. Official ties between Israel and Chad were cut 47 years ago because of pressure on Chad from Libya’s leader, Muammar Gaddafi. However, unofficial ties continued to flourish for decades. Weapons sales that might have violated international law have long fueled Israel’s secret alliances across Africa, and Chad is no exception.

After Chadian President Idriss Deby made a surprise visit to Jerusalem in November, it was only a matter of time before ties were upgraded. The ability to buy weapons and commercial technology from Israel is a primary motivation for Chad in thawing relations. The fact that Israel maintains highly influential partnerships in Washington will also be seen as an extra benefit to Chad’s leaders.

The new, and official, Israel-Chad relations highlight just how sidelined the Palestinians are in the Muslim world today. Just a decade ago, establishing official relations with Israel would have been out of the question for a Muslim-majority country. While unofficial relations went, at the very least, uncommented on, public diplomacy [JB emphasis] with Israel was off limits.

This is no longer the reality. Muslim leaders have apparently tired of the Israel-Palestine impasse, and no longer feel the need to conceal their relationships with Israel, with which they calculate they have more to gain materially and strategically. In the ongoing confrontation with Iran, for example, Israel has deepened its alliance with the most powerful countries in the Arab world.

The Palestinians stand as the biggest loser in this reshuffling of power alliances. And there is no evidence these developments will ebb.

Israel’s new diplomatic outreach serves an important duty for Netanyahu’s own political future. With elections planned for April, he is using foreign policy as a vote getter. From highlighting his relationship to US President Donald Trump and the administration’s subsequent decision to relocate the US Embassy to Jerusalem from Tel Aviv, to the opening of new partnerships around the world, Netanyahu is playing politics with the very idea of geopolitical isolation.

Speaking to reporters after the restoration of ties with Chad, the Israeli leader said, “We are making inroads into the Islamic world. We are making history and turning Israel into a rising world power.”

Doubling down on the Chad news, officials at Netanyahu’s office said the prime minister would soon travel to Mali for a “historic” meeting with that West African country’s prime minister, Soumeylou Boubeye Maiga. Mali-Israel relations were officially severed after the 1973 Arab-Israeli war, but back channels have long existed between the two countries.

What is remarkable about Netanyahu’s foreign-policy playbook is that it is not particularly new or groundbreaking. In the 1950s, the nascent Israeli state began an aggressive push in Africa for new allies. Focused on newly independent African countries (with newly minted voting power at the United Nations), Israel created a network of alliances by exporting weapons and agricultural infrastructure.

This policy lasted until the mid-1960s, when Israel decided to embrace apartheid South Africa and embark on a far-reaching, and often clandestine, partnership with that pariah country. As a result, Israel’s Africa policy frayed. But with apartheid South Africa now long gone, Netanyahu is rekindling the embers of his country’s Africa initiative.

That said, neither Israel’s diplomatic offering to African countries like Mali or Chad nor its relations with the Palestinians has truly changed. What has developed recently is that Palestinians have been relegated to the sidelines by their hitherto supporters.

Of course, the overwhelming majority of people in the Muslim world still support the Palestinian cause. But their leaders now calculate that there are other diplomatic exigencies – Iran being the one concern that Israel and many Arab countries can agree about – that force a recalibration of their hierarchy of goals.

Traineeship for Students at the EU Delegation to Vietnam  [JB - below text based the pdf version of the entry]

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Traineeships in Delegations
The deadline for submitting applications is 20 February 2019.

Are you a university student interested in international relations? Is a working experience part of your course? Are you curious to learn more about work of a diplomatic mission and how the EU Delegation represents EU interests and values in Vietnam?

What we offer?

A traineeship of up to 6 months for students undertaking a compulsory traineeship as a part of their studies, within the Political, Press and Information Section of the EU Delegation to Vietnam.

Main tasks:
  • Making Daily Review of Vietnamese press/ media overview/ press clippings
  • Drafting press releases and other press materials
  • Assisting with contacting with reporters and organize press events
  • Assisting with organization of cultural and public diplomacy [JB emphasis] events
  • Managing social media (Facebook, Twitter, Flickr)
  • Providing translation/ interpretation to press materials/ publications/ interviews
How to apply?

Please send at the e-mail address:, the following documents :
  • A detailed Europass curriculum vitae (CV)
  • a cover letter describing why you want to participate in an EU traineeship
  • the University's request for a compulsory traineeship
  • and an application form
The deadline for submitting applications is 20 February 2019.

Important information

Before applying you are requested to examine the dedicated website as well as the general eligibility criteria for a compulsory traineeships (Article 9 of the Decision ADMIN(2017)28 - Unpaid compulsory traineeships for students already residing and studying in the host country)

All costs related to travel inside the country of residence, visa, insurance, accommodation and living expenses must be borne by either the trainee or the University.

Applications from non-eligible candidates will not be considered. After the evaluation of all applications, shortlisted candidates will be contacted and invited for an interview. Unsuccessful candidates will be notified by email. In case the selected candidate is not able to present the required documents, his/her candidacy will be rejected.

If you represent a University and would like to further explore the possibilities of offering your students the possibility of a traineeship with the EU Delegation, do not hesitate to contact us at the same address.

Source URL:

[Detailed information about the eligibility criteria and the selection process]

Embassy of Israel in Romania: The Ambassador

Curriculum Vitae

Date of birth: 18th February, 1964

Nationality: Israeli



· Embassy of Israel in Romania, Bucharest (present)

Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary ...

· Social Media and Branding Consultant (10/2009-9/2010)

Adjunct Professor, School of Communications, IDC Herzliya

Instructor, “New Media, Social networks and Public Diplomacy [JB emphasis], USC Center on Public Diplomacy, Annenberg School, Los Angeles

· Consulate General of Israel in New York, NYC (7/2005 – 9/2009)

Consul for Media and Public Affairs ...


See also John Brown, "Public Diplomacy Goes Pubic" (2007), which quotes Saranga, when he was Israel's Consul For Media And Public Affairs at its New York Consulate (a statement as recorded by Joel Leyden of the Israel News Agency):
Israeli diplomats, representatives of a country that has witnessed extensive debate on how to improve its public diplomacy [JB emphasis] (the word is now used repeatedly in the Israeli press) in the wake of the Second Lebanon War, justified the photo spread of young Israeli women warriors in Maxim's (“a beer and babes” magazine with 2.5 million readers appealing to young males) amidst accusations back in the Holy Land (but not, significantly, among the American mainstream media) that the pics of the scantily-clad military ladies were pornographic, treated women as objects, and promoted sex tourism. Arye Mekel, Consul-General of Israel in New York, quoted in the Israel News Agency (June 24), retorted that:
the pictures aren’t anything you wouldn’t see at a pool or a beach. Israel is always mentioned in the context of wars and violence. We want to show there is a normal life. Among the beautiful things [sic] we have are our women. We came there from 120 countries. Anytime you have a mix from any continents, you get very beautiful people. We don't see having beautiful women as a problem.
Joel Leyden of the Israel News Agency (June 24) quotes David Saranga, Israel's Consul For Media And Public Affairs at its New York Consulate, as saying that "[w]e found that Israel's image among men aged 18-38 is lacking … so we thought we'd approach them with an image they'd find appealing." Leydeen adds that, according to Saranga, "the beautiful models in Israel were a 'Trojan horse' to present Israel as a modern country with nice beaches and pretty women. 'Many Americans don't even know we have beaches,' he said.”

Fellows - Canadian Global Affairs Institute
Kevin O’Shea who recently retired from the Canadian public service after nearly 35 years of service focuses his current advisory work and research on borders, Canada-US relations and public diplomacy [JB emphasis]. His public service career included assignments as an Assistant Secretary, Beyond the Border Implementation Team, in the Privy Council Office, and assignments in the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade in Ottawa, the Canadian Embassy in Washington, the Canadian Consulate in New York, the Canadian Mission to the EU in Brussels, the Canadian Mission to the OECD in Paris and the Canadian High Commission in Ghana. He sits on the International Advisory Board of Borders in Globalization, a multi-country research consortium on borders, and has recently become a Canadian Global Affairs Institute Fellow.


Salon Dinner Series – Entrée to Dialogue: Culinary Diplomacy Dinner Hosted by His Excellency Martin Dahinden of Switzerland and Mrs. Martin Dahinden, January 30, 2019; on Meridian, see

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Amb. Martin Dahinden with his wife Anita at the 2nd American Portrait Gala at the National Portrait Gallery in Washington

Date: January 30, 2019
Location: The Residence of the Ambassador of Switzerland, Washington, D.C.

Entrée to Dialogue is a series of intimate, curated salon dinners designed to spark dialogue among different perspectives and promote the exchange of ideas over a shared meal. This salon will focus on culinary diplomacy.

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State Promotion of Islam: a Challenge for Religious Liberty

Joshua Arnold,, January 30

Image (not from entry) Wikipedia

Islam has become a common tool of foreign policy, said Peter Mandaville and Shadi Hamid in an event hosted last week by the Brookings Institution. This reality presents new challenges to U.S. foreign policy efforts to promote democracy and religious liberty in areas of world where Islam is the dominant religion. Their full discussion with other panelists can be found here.
Mandaville and Hamid recently co-authored a report titled, “Islam as Statecraft: How Governments Use Religion in Foreign Policy.” Back in September, Hamid argued that Western governments need to do a better job understanding Islamic culture in an interview with Providence: A Journal of Christianity and Foreign Policy.
At the recent Brookings event, they said that governments in Muslim-majority countries have been forced to engage in religious dialogue as a matter of survival. Religion used to be less important to governments in Islamic countries, but the ideological power vacuum allowed extremist non-state organizations like al-Qaida or ISIS to promote their own version of Islam. The situation became critical during the Arab Spring, when popular but Islamist revolts actually overthrew regimes in Tunisia, Egypt, and, with Western aid, Libya—not to mention failed revolts in Syria, Bahrain, and other countries.
According to their report, state promotion of Islam can take many forms. Countries like Jordan and Morocco promote a moderate form of Islam to reinforce the ruling dynasty’s legitimacy and control. Countries like Saudi Arabia promote a conservative form of Islam for the same reason. On the other hand, Turkey and Iran have both adopted Islamic rhetoric to bolster their regional influence among neighboring Muslim-majority countries, but willingly embrace historical instead of religious ties with neighbors where it boosts their influence. Their aggressive style pushes even more governments to engage in religious debate, lest they get cut out by their neighbors.
But it’s not just governments; private charities and other religious groups, with more or less state support, are promoting their own versions of Islam according to their own agendas. Add to that other complexities, such as the Sunni-Shia divide that has fractured domestic and international relations for many countries. Muslims living in Muslim-majority countries have a buffet of Islam-specific options to choose from in determining their own personal beliefs.
Why exactly is The Institute on Religion and Democracy, a Christian organization in Washington, D.C., interested in what Muslims are saying to each other about the correct version of Islam? We are concerned with religious freedom and democracy both at home and abroad. If what Mandaville and Hamid argue is true (a question well above my pay grade), then it could set back American efforts to promote these ideals in Muslim-majority countries.
Without resorting to punitive measures such as invasion or sanctions, America has two main tools for effecting change abroad: direct diplomacy and public diplomacy [JB emphasis]. Direct diplomacy is what most people think of as diplomacy—direct communication between two governments. Public diplomacy is where a government communicates with the people in another country, instead of with the government. One example Hamid shared of current U.S. public diplomacy with the Islamic world is a kiosk at an Indonesian University where locals could learn about U.S. culture from an interactive computer.
Historically (and constitutionally), the U.S. federal government has avoided theological disputes or other means of favoring one religion over another. It usually restricts itself to purely secular messaging.
The challenge, say Mandaville and Hamid, is that Muslim governments have become quite savvy at public diplomacy—and use Islam as part of their strategy. In trying to convince a majority-Muslim population to adopt a particular way of thinking, a government willing to invoke Islam in its messaging has an enormous advantage over a government that employs only secular messaging. In essence, the Muslim government tells ordinary citizens: “as a Muslim, you should think this way.” Meanwhile the U.S. government tells them: “as a secular liberal, you should think this way.” The ordinary citizen then thinks: “Well, I am not a secular liberal, but I am a Muslim, so I know which way to think now.” Obviously the situation is more complex, and there are multiple competing messages coming from Islamic governments, but that only further disadvantages the U.S. efforts to persuade.
How, then, will the U.S. promote democracy and religious liberty in Muslim majority countries? If public diplomacy is an unprofitable method, perhaps we can employ traditional diplomatic means. But that would either require us to coax allies to advance a favored religious message, or choose our allies based on their religious message, which seem antithetical options to the American spirit. And let’s not forget that most regimes promoting a brand of Islam are doing so primarily to preserve their undemocratic regime. Even in Muslim-majority countries that do adopt a democratic government, Mandaville and Hamid point out that does not necessarily translate into respect for religious freedom; oftentimes the democratically elected government embraces conservative Islamist rule.
Today, Christians suffer persecution in many Muslim-majority countries—8 out of the top 10 on Open Doors’ 2019 World Watch List, and in nearly 20 others. Unfortunately, the U.S. government is not well-equipped to persuade Muslim populations or states to embrace religious freedom in Islamic terms.
What can the U.S. do to promote religious freedom or democracy in Muslim-majority countries? It looks like creative and innovative new solutions are needed.

U.S. Embassy New Delhi PAS: Public Diplomacy Small Grants Program

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U.S. Embassy in New Delhi image from

Deadline: 31 December 2019
The U.S. Embassy New Delhi Public Affairs Section (PAS) of the U.S. Department of State, is currently inviting applicants for its Public Diplomacy Small Grants Program. 
PAS India invites proposals for programs that strengthen cultural ties between the U.S. and India through cultural and exchange programming that highlights shared values and promotes bilateral cooperation. All programs must include an American cultural element, or connection with American expert/s, organization/s, or institution/s in a specific field that will promote increased understanding of U.S. policy and perspectives. Examples of PAS Small Grants Program include, but are not limited to:
  • U.S. experts conducting speaking tours/public talks, roundtable discussions, workshops, etc.;
  • Academic and professional lectures and seminars;
  • Cultural and arts programs/workshops/ performances and exhibitions;
  • Development of initiatives aimed at maintaining contacts with alumni of our exchange programs;
Priority Program Areas
PAS India will utilize a variety of tools to advance the U.S. Mission India goals that includes:
  • Programs related to bilateral trade, investment, economic integration, entrepreneurship, innovation, intellectual property rights, and women’s empowerment including English language teaching and learning programming on these themes.
  • Programs related to promoting study in the United States, the internationalization of Indian universities, and/or capacity the building of linkages between American and Indian institutions of higher education as well as English language and academic skills prep programming for quota students.
  • Programs on understanding the Indo-Pacific Partnership, including security cooperation and military/defense relations.
  • Programs that address issues of regional security, counter terrorism, nonproliferation, cyber security, and countering violent extremism.
  • Programs that seek to explain U.S. policies, culture, and values to Indian audiences, resulting in a positive impact on the bilateral relationship.
  • Programs that seek to promote a better understanding of diversity, inclusion, religious freedom, gender rights, LGBTQ rights, persons with disabilities, underrepresented or otherwise disadvantaged communities, and other aspects of human rights.
  • Creative programs that advance one or more of the priority areas to include but not limited to, democracy, counterterrorism, health security, regional and global security, trade relations, youth outreach, energy and environment, and travel, space science and technology, and tourism
  • English language programming with an emphasis on promoting democratic values, good governance, and human rights, entrepreneurship, gender empowerment, and inclusion.
Award Information
  • Minimum (“Floor”) Award Amount: $5,000
  • Maximum (“Ceiling”) Award Amount: $50,000
Participants and Audiences
PAS India’s target audiences include national and regional mediaNGOs and think tanks; underserved communities; government officials (state, district, and municipal officials; policy makers, civil servants); cultural and educational leaders; next generation leaders (e.g., innovators, digital influencers, campus leaders); youth from underserved communities; Universities, and other minority communities.
Eligible Applicants
  • Nonprofits having a 501(c)(3) status with the IRS, other than institutions of higher education
  • Public and State controlled institutions of higher education
  • Private institutions of higher education
How to Apply
All application materials must be submitted electronically via given website.
For more information, please visit